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This study followed the outcomes of the Bridge of Faith program. Bridge of Faith is an expansion project based on efforts of the Aim4Peace Violence Prevention Program, serving youth 13-24 years of age living in a prioritized area of Kansas City, Missouri. Bridge of Faith created goals and objectives that strategically address a continuum from response to violence exposure, intervention for violence survivors, and preventing of violence exposure. Activities were designed to target a reduction in risk factors and improvement in resiliency factors associated with the use of violence, as well as improve access to care and quality of services for those who are survivors of violence to reduce the probability of violence and exposure to others in the future. The overall purpose was to improve the health, social, and economic outcomes for youth and families who have been exposed to trauma and/or violence and prevent further violence from occurring. The project will facilitate these outcomes in specific goals and objectives to expand access to evidence-based programs and services for youth survivors through a new platform for collaborating agencies to link survivors of violence to additional wrap around services, and enhance the performance of service agencies through training, strengthening knowledge and skill development to ensure quality, trauma-informed, and culturally competent care.

This study on the Bridge of Faith Project was split into two datasets, Participant Survey Data and Police Data. Individuals were the unit of analysis measured in the Participant Survey Data, and criminal acts were the unit of analysis measured in the Police Data. Participant Survey Data contains 22 variables and 12 cases. Police Data contains 26 variables and 9 cases.

These data are part of NACJD's Fast Track Release and are distributed as they were received from the data depositor. The files have been zipped by NACJD for release, but not checked or processed except for the removal of direct identifiers. Users should refer to the accompanying readme file for a brief description of the files available with this collection and consult the investigator(s) if further information is needed.

The objective of this project was to enhance understanding of violent disputes by examining the use of aggression to rectify a perceived wrong. It also sought to identify the factors that determine if retaliatory violence occurs within disputes as well as to understand how long retaliatory disputes last, and what factors lead to the termination of such disputes.

This collection includes two SPSS data files: "Dispute_Database_for_NACJD.sav" with 40 variables and 111 cases and "Northeastern_City_Violence_Database_NACJD_submission.sav" with 164 variables and 1,303 cases.

These data are part of NACJD's Fast Track Release and are distributed as they were received from the data depositor. The files have been zipped by NACJD for release, but not checked or processed except for the removal of direct identifiers. Users should refer to the accompanying readme file for a brief description of the files available with this collection and consult the investigator(s) if further information is needed.

The purpose of this research was to examine the influence of neighborhood social disorganization on the risk of homicide victimization, with focus on how community effects changed once individual-level characteristics were considered. This research integrated concepts from social disorganization theory, a neighborhood theory of criminal behavior, with concepts from lifestyle theory and individual theory of criminal behavior, by having examined the effects of both neighborhood-level predictors of disadvantage and individual attributes which may compel that person to behave in certain ways. The data for this secondary analysis project are from the 2004-2012 National Center for Health Statistics' (NCHS) National Health Interview Survey (NHIS) linked National Death Index-Multiple Causes of Death (MDC) data, which provided individual-level data on homicide mortality. Neighborhood-level (block group) characteristics of disadvantage that existed within each respondent's place of residence from the 2005-2009 and 2008-2012 American Community Surveys were integrated using restricted geographic identifiers from the NHIS.

As a syntax-only study, data included as part of this collection includes 38 SAS Program (syntax) files that were used by the researcher in analyses of external restricted-use data. The data are not included because they are restricted archival data from the NHIS from the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention combined with publicly available American Community Survey (ACS) block group level data.

The purpose of this research was to further understanding of why crime occurs where it does by exploring the spatial etiology of homicides that occurred in Washington, DC, during the 13-year period 1990-2002.

The researchers accessed records from the case management system of the Metropolitan Police, District of Columbia (MPDC) Homicide Division to collect data regarding offenders and victims associated with the homicide cases. Using geographic information systems (GIS) software, the researchers geocoded the addresses of the incident location, the victim's residence, and offender's residence for each homicide case. They then calculated both Euclidean distance and shortest path distance along the streets between each address per case. Upon applying the concept of triad as developed by Block et al. (2004) in order to create a unit of analysis for studying the convergence of victims and offenders in space, the researchers categorized the triads according to the geometry of locations associated with each case. (Dots represented homicides in which the victim and offender both lived in the residence where the homicide occurred; lines represented homicides that occurred in the home of either the victim or the offender; and triangles represented three non-coincident locations: the separate residences of the victim and offender, as well as the location of the homicide incident.) The researchers then classified each triad according to two separate mobility triangle classification schemes: Traditional Mobility, based on shared or disparate social areas, and Distance Mobility, based on relative distance categories between locations. Finally, the researchers classified each triad by the neighborhood associated with the location of the homicide incident, the location of the victim's residence, and the location of the offender's residence.

A total of 3 statistical datasets and 7 geographic information systems (GIS) shapefiles resulted from this study. Note: All datasets exclude open homicide cases. The statistical datasets consist of Offender Characteristics (Dataset 1) with 2,966 cases; Victim Characteristics (Dataset 2) with 2,311 cases; and Triads Data (Dataset 3) with 2,510 cases. The GIS shapefiles have been grouped into a zip file (Dataset 4). Included are point data for homicide locations, offender residences, triads, and victim residences; line data for streets in the District of Columbia, Maryland, and Virginia; and polygon data for neighborhood clusters in the District of Columbia.

This study was designed as an exploratory study to understand fear of gang crime among residents living in an urban area plagued by gangs. During the Summer of 1997, six focus groups were conducted in Santa Ana, California -- two in lower income neighborhoods, two in middle income neighborhoods, and two in upper income neighborhoods. After the focus groups ended, participants were asked to take disposable cameras with them and take pictures of examples of neighborhood factors that prompted them to fear gangs and then mail them back to me in a postage-paid envelope.

The research questions guiding this study were: How do the fear-of-crime perspectives apply to fear of gang crime specifically? When worrying about gang crime, do different people focus primarily on different problems (e.g., some diversity or some disorder), or do the same people think about all of these factors? Findings first showed that all four theoretical perspectives on fear of crime applied to the same people at once, rather than to different people (e.g., some being worried about racial and ethnic differences but others about disorder). Second, findings illustrated specifically how these residents connected the factors into one thought process leading to fear of gangs. Residents in these groups clearly believed that ethnic and cultural diversity, or in this case, recent "illegal" Latino immigrants, brought disorder, which in turn caused community decline and brought gangs. This thought process led to personal fear of gang-related victimization. Their beliefs about these causal connections were primarily influenced by their knowledge and observations that gangs in the area were Latino; by direct observation of area diversity disorder, and decline; and by experience living in their changing neighborhoods over time. In addition, beliefs were fueled by indirect victimization, or knowledge gained primarily through acquaintances such as neighbors and community policing officers.