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These data are part of NACJD's Fast Track Release and are distributed as they were received from the data depositor. The files have been zipped by NACJD for release, but not checked or processed except for the removal of direct identifiers. Users should refer to the accompanying readme file for a brief description of the files available with this collection and consult the investigator(s) if further information is needed.

This study measures the size and structure of the underground commercial sex economy in eight major US cities: San Diego, Seattle, Dallas, Denver, Washington, DC, Kansas City, Atlanta, and Miami. The goals of this study were to derive a more rigorous estimate of the underground commercial sex economy (UCSE) in eight major US cities and to provide an understanding of the structure of this underground economy.

Researchers relied on a multi-method approach using both qualitative and quantitative data to estimate the size of UCSE including:

1. Collecting official data on crime related to the underground weapons and drugs economies
2. Conducting semi-structured interviews with convicted traffickers, pimps, child pornographers, and sex workers at the federal, state, and local levels
3. Conducting semi-structured interviews with local and federal police investigators and prosecutors to inform our analysis of the interrelationship across different types of underground commercial sex activity.

Recent research has identified numerous challenges facing victims of labor trafficking in the U.S. (Owens, et al., 2014; Brennan, 2014). Most of the research on labor trafficking occurring in the U.S., however, has focused on the experiences of non-citizen and foreign national victims. There are many reasons to suspect that labor trafficking victimization occurs among U.S. citizens, although the identification of this phenomenon has been difficult. For example, the homeless and those with insecure housing, individuals with intellectual and physical disability, low-wage and transitional workers, and those working in illicit economic markets or within sexualized labor services are anticipated to be at higher risk for labor trafficking victimization.

In this exploratory mixed-methods study, the research team answered four main questions to help illuminate the phenomenon of labor trafficking of U.S. citizens.

1. What are the personal, economic, or structural vulnerabilities that put U.S. citizens at risk for labor trafficking?
2. What does labor trafficking looks like for U.S. citizens and where does it fall on a continuum of labor exploitation?
3. How are U.S. citizens recruited into, move to, experience, and escape from labor trafficking victimization?
4. How do U.S. citizen labor trafficking victims seek help or exit exploitative labor situations?

These questions were answered through surveys with individuals at high risk for labor trafficking victimization across four U.S. sites (n=240), individual interviews with a subsample of survey respondents (n=27), and interviews with service providers (n=20). The surveyed population were citizens who were born in the U.S., those who were naturalized citizens at the time of their victimization, and legal permanent residents. The sampling strategy relied on several snowball and purposive sampling techniques and were developed in partnership with social service agencies, government agencies, and community contacts with knowledge of or contact with labor trafficking in each of the sites. As such, the study was not designed to generate prevalence estimation or to claim any representativeness of labor trafficking violations among U.S. citizens.

This collection only includes the quantitative survey data. Qualitative interview data are not available.

The Longitudinal Examination of Victimization Experiences of Latinos (LEVEL) study surveyed Latino adults from four major cities across the United States to evaluate the past-year incidence and prevalence of bias or hate motivated victimization. This study is a follow-up to the Understanding and Measuring Bias Victimization Against Latinos study, ICPSR 37598, that was conducted in 2018-2019. The hope of this follow-up study, in conjunction with the original study "Wave 1", is to provide greater context into bias victimization by breaking apart the diverse nature of Latinx communities in regards to immigration status, language use, origin, acculturation, and enculturation.

In 2014, the San Diego Association of Governments applied for and received funding from the National Institute of Justice (NIJ) to conduct a process and impact evaluation of the Veterans Moving Forward (VMF) program that was created by the San Diego County Sheriff's Department in partnership with the San Diego Veterans Administration (VA) in 2013. VMF is a veteran-only housing unit for male inmates who have served in the U.S. military. When the grant was written, experts in the field had noted that the population of veterans returning to the U.S. with numerous mental health issues, including post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD), traumatic brain injury (TBI), and depression, were increasing and as a result, the number of veterans incarcerated in jails and prisons was also expected to increase. While numerous specialized courts for veterans had been implemented across the country at the time, veteran-specific housing units for those already sentenced to serve time in custody were rarer and no evaluations of these units had been published. Since this evaluation grant was awarded, the number of veteran-only housing units has increased, demonstrating the need for more evaluation information regarding lessons learned.

A core goal when creating VMF was to structure an environment for veterans to draw upon the positive aspects of their shared military culture, create a safe place for healing and rehabilitation, and foster positive peer connections. There are several components that separate VMF from traditional housing with the general population that relate to the overall environment, the rehabilitative focus, and initiation of reentry planning as early as possible. These components include the selection of correctional staff with military backgrounds and an emphasis on building on their shared experience and connecting through it; a less restrictive and more welcoming environment that includes murals on the walls and open doors; no segregation of inmates by race/ethnicity; incentives including extended dayroom time and use of a microwave and coffee machine (under supervision); mandatory rehabilitative programming that focuses on criminogenic and other underlying risks and needs or that are quality of life focused, such as yoga, meditation, and art; a VMF Counselor who is located in the unit to provide one-on-one services to clients, as well as provide overall program management on a day-to-day basis; the regular availability of VA staff in the unit, including linkages to staff knowledgeable about benefits and other resources available upon reentry; and the guidance and assistance of a multi-disciplinary team (MDT) to support reentry transition for individuals needing additional assistance.

The general criteria for housing in this veteran module includes: (1) not being at a classification level above a four, which requires a maximum level of custody; (2) not having less than 30 days to serve in custody; (3) no state or federal prison holds and/or prison commitments; (4) no fugitive holds; (5) no prior admittance to the psychiatric security unit or a current psychiatric hold; (6) not currently a Post-Release Community Supervision Offender serving a term of flash incarceration; (7) not in custody for a sex-related crime or requirement to register per Penal Code 290; (8) no specialized housing requirements including protective custody, administration segregation, or medical segregation; and (9) no known significant disciplinary incidents.

This project examined practices and initiatives undertaken by prosecutors across the United States to address trafficking in persons (TIP) in order to learn about TIP case identification and case building; when jurisdictions prosecute utilizing their state's TIP statute or alternative charges; and how prosecutors approach victim identification, serving victims, and increasing convictions and penalties for traffickers and buyers. It also sought to draw lessons learned that other jurisdictions can use to begin this work or increase their capacity and effectiveness, regardless of size or location. This project was a partnership between the Justice Research and Statistics Association (JRSA) and the National District Attorney's Association (NDAA) and consisted of two phases. Phase I was a national survey of prosecutors and Phase II was a series of four case studies in jurisdictions undertaking anti-TIP initiatives.

The results of the survey are intended to provide a national snapshot of trends in local TIP prosecutions and the use of state-level TIP statutes by local prosecutors. It serves as a ten-year update to, and expansion of, previous research on local prosecutorial approaches to trafficking that had used data on cases prosecuted through 2008.

These data are part of NACJD's Fast Track Release and are distributed as they there received from the data depositor. The files have been zipped by NACJD for release, but not checked or processed except of the removal of direct identifiers. Users should refer to the accompany readme file for a brief description of the files available with this collections and consult the investigator(s) if further information is needed.

This collection includes data gathered through three separate study designs. The first study called for tracking cases and forensic evidence through local criminal justice processes for five offenses: homicide, sexual assault, aggravated assault, robbery and burglary. Two sites, Denver, Colorado, and San Diego, California, participated in the study. Demographic data were collected on victims (Victim Data n = 7,583) and defendants (Defendant Data n = 2,318). Data on forensic evidence collected at crime scenes included DNA material (DNA Evidence Data n = 1,894), firearms evidence (Ballistics Evidence Data n = 488), latent prints (Latent Print Evidence Data n = 766), trace evidence (Other Impressions Evidence Data n = 49), and drug evidence (Drug Evidence Data n = 43). Comparisons were then made between open and closed cases from the participating sites. Two smaller studies were conducted as part of this grant. The second study was an analysis of an experiment in the Miami-Date, Florida Police Department (Miami-Data County Data n = 1,421) to determine whether clearance rates for no-suspect property crimes could be improved through faster processing of DNA evidence. The third study was a survey of 75 police departments across the nation (Crime Labs Survey Data) to obtain information on the organizational placement, staffing and responsibilities of crime lab units.

These data are part of NACJD's Fast Track Release and are distributed as they there received from the data depositor. The files have been zipped by NACJD for release, but not checked or processed except of the removal of direct identifiers. Users should refer to the accompany readme file for a brief description of the files available with this collections and consult the investigator(s) if further information is needed.

The purpose of the study was to provide statistically sound estimates on the prevalence of trafficking victimization and investigate the type of trafficking victimization among unauthorized migrant laborers in San Diego. Data were collected through face to face interviews using respondent driven sampling (Labor Trafficking Main Data, n=826 and Specific Trafficking Incident Data, n=826). There were sixteen interview sites spread across San Diego county. All interviews were conducted with at least two interviewers present. The study used a total of seven bilingual interviewers who conducted 826 valid interviews. Each subject was paid thirty dollars for participating in the interview, and given three referral coupons worth ten dollars each. The Respondent Driven Sampling (RDS) began with an initial set of "seeds" recruited from the target population through a combination of recruiting strangers at day labor sites and existing community contacts within the social networks of Center for Social Advocacy (CSA) outreach workers. To be eligible for participation in the study, one had to be unauthorized in the United States and be working (or have worked within) the past 3 months. Other than the seeds, all subsequent referrals had to call the project phone number to schedule interviews with their coupon numbers.

This study surveyed immigrant and non-immigrant populations residing in high Latino population communities in order to:

• Assess the nature and pattern of bias motivated victimization.
• Explore the co-occurrence of bias motivated victimization with other forms of victimization.
• Measure reporting and help-seeking behaviors of individuals who experience bias motivated victimization.
• Identify cultural factors which may contribute to the risk of bias victimization.
• Evaluate the effect of bias victimization on negative psychosocial outcomes relative to other forms of victimization.