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Enhanced Services for the Hard-to-Employ Demonstration and Evaluation Project, Philadelphia, PA (ICPSR 33784)

Released/updated on: 2013-01-18
Geographic coverage: United States, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania
Time period: 2004-01-01--2010-01-01
The Enhanced Services for the Hard-to-Employ (HtE) Demonstration and Evaluation Project was a 10-year study (taken on by the MDRC) that evaluated innovative strategies aimed at improving employment and other outcomes for groups who face serious barriers to employment. The Enhanced Services for the Hard-to-Employ was the first comprehensive attempt to understand the diverse low-income population and to test interventions aimed at the most common barriers to this population's employment. The HtE demonstration was designed to evaluate a variety of innovative ways to boost employment, reduce welfare receipt, and promote well-being in low-income populations. This study tests two employment strategies. The first employment strategy, administered by the Transitional Work Corporation (TWC), was a paid transitional employment program that combined temporary, subsidized employment with work-related assistance. The second employment strategy, the Success Through Employment Preparation (STEP) program, focused on assessing and treating employment barriers before participants obtained a job. From 2004 to 2006, 1,942 recipients of Temporary Assistance for Needy Families (TANF) who were not currently employed or participating in work activities were randomly assigned to one of the two program groups. Evaluation of the programs had three components: implementation and process analysis, impact analysis, and cost analysis. The implementation and process analysis examined how the programs operated, based primarily on site visits and interviews with program staff and administrators. The impact analysis measured the programs' effects on outcomes including employment, welfare use, and family functioning. The cost analysis compares the financial costs of the interventions. Outcomes for both groups were followed for at least three years, using public administrative records and surveys of study participants. In addition, follow-up surveys were conducted 15 and 36 months after random assignment in most sites. Information was collected on whether respondents participated in employment, vocational or education training activity. Respondents were asked whether they received help for things such as childcare, getting and/or keeping Medicaid and food stamps, paying for transportation, substance abuse treatment, addressing domestic violence, addressing legal issues, financial needs, or handling their household budget. Respondents were also asked if they received paid vacation time or sick days, where their income came from, and whether they earned any type of degree or certificate. Additional topics include health status, the length of time respondents received TANF funds, and employment history. Demographic information includes age, race, marital status, education, employment status, and home ownership status.
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Understanding the Fear of Street Gangs: The Importance of Community Conditions [Santa Ana, California, 1997] (ICPSR 32161)

Released/updated on: 2012-02-29
Geographic coverage: United States, Santa Ana, California

This study was designed as an exploratory study to understand fear of gang crime among residents living in an urban area plagued by gangs. During the Summer of 1997, six focus groups were conducted in Santa Ana, California -- two in lower income neighborhoods, two in middle income neighborhoods, and two in upper income neighborhoods. After the focus groups ended, participants were asked to take disposable cameras with them and take pictures of examples of neighborhood factors that prompted them to fear gangs and then mail them back to me in a postage-paid envelope.

The research questions guiding this study were: How do the fear-of-crime perspectives apply to fear of gang crime specifically? When worrying about gang crime, do different people focus primarily on different problems (e.g., some diversity or some disorder), or do the same people think about all of these factors? Findings first showed that all four theoretical perspectives on fear of crime applied to the same people at once, rather than to different people (e.g., some being worried about racial and ethnic differences but others about disorder). Second, findings illustrated specifically how these residents connected the factors into one thought process leading to fear of gangs. Residents in these groups clearly believed that ethnic and cultural diversity, or in this case, recent "illegal" Latino immigrants, brought disorder, which in turn caused community decline and brought gangs. This thought process led to personal fear of gang-related victimization. Their beliefs about these causal connections were primarily influenced by their knowledge and observations that gangs in the area were Latino; by direct observation of area diversity disorder, and decline; and by experience living in their changing neighborhoods over time. In addition, beliefs were fueled by indirect victimization, or knowledge gained primarily through acquaintances such as neighbors and community policing officers.