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This survey was concerned with respondents' opinions of their neighborhoods, public policy issues, and racial issues. Housing discrimination, Black/White racial attitudes, and busing to achieve school integration were among the issues surveyed. Information was also collected on respondents' employment status and reasons for moving from or staying in their neighborhoods.

This survey focused on factors that influence social change in the Michigan tri-county area of Oakland, Macomb, and Wayne counties and the changes that have occurred over time with respect to different ethnic groups and women. Respondents' opinions were sought on issues such as job discrimination, including pay and promotion on the basis of race, ethnicity, or gender, factors that influence employers in hiring decisions, such as experience in line of work, formal education, references, looks and appearance, age, race, and gender, possible reasons for Blacks' having worse jobs, income, and housing than Whites, and factors that affect this situation, such as racial discrimination, perceived inferior ability, lack of educational opportunities, and lack of motivation on the part of Blacks. The survey also elicited respondents' views on factors influencing residential segregation, including the lack of affordable housing for African Americans and other ethnic minorities and the lack of Whites' acceptance of these ethnic minority groups in White neighborhoods. Other variables probed respondents' attitudes toward interracial marriage, segregated and desegregated schools, all-Black male and all-Black female public schools, nonviolent and violent means of social change among Blacks, government legislative measures such as the cut in welfare cost, parental approval for under-age abortion, the amount of federal taxes paid, and affirmative action for women and African Americans in job training, education, hiring, and promotion. Also explored were respondents' feelings about the quality of city and neighborhood services, public schools, crime, and the desirability of living in Wayne, Oakland, and Macomb counties and some of the suburbs around Detroit. Additional variables examined respondents' views on comparative wealth and intelligence among ethnic groups such as Asians, Blacks, Hispanics, Arab Americans, and Whites, the degree of discrimination toward Hispanics, Blacks, Asians, and women, and the high degree of self-reliance among immigrant groups and nationalities in the United States as compared to United States minorities such as African Americans. Questions on the respondents' educational background covered the level of education and professional qualifications. Additional information gathered by the survey includes duration of residence in the tri-county area and at the current residence, place of previous residence, employment status, place of employment, mode of transportation to work, income, current debts and assets, job benefits, previous military service, information on family and household members, religious denomination, presidential candidate preference, age, race, ethnicity, skin tone if Black, marital status, and gender.

This study was designed as an exploratory study to understand fear of gang crime among residents living in an urban area plagued by gangs. During the Summer of 1997, six focus groups were conducted in Santa Ana, California -- two in lower income neighborhoods, two in middle income neighborhoods, and two in upper income neighborhoods. After the focus groups ended, participants were asked to take disposable cameras with them and take pictures of examples of neighborhood factors that prompted them to fear gangs and then mail them back to me in a postage-paid envelope.

The research questions guiding this study were: How do the fear-of-crime perspectives apply to fear of gang crime specifically? When worrying about gang crime, do different people focus primarily on different problems (e.g., some diversity or some disorder), or do the same people think about all of these factors? Findings first showed that all four theoretical perspectives on fear of crime applied to the same people at once, rather than to different people (e.g., some being worried about racial and ethnic differences but others about disorder). Second, findings illustrated specifically how these residents connected the factors into one thought process leading to fear of gangs. Residents in these groups clearly believed that ethnic and cultural diversity, or in this case, recent "illegal" Latino immigrants, brought disorder, which in turn caused community decline and brought gangs. This thought process led to personal fear of gang-related victimization. Their beliefs about these causal connections were primarily influenced by their knowledge and observations that gangs in the area were Latino; by direct observation of area diversity disorder, and decline; and by experience living in their changing neighborhoods over time. In addition, beliefs were fueled by indirect victimization, or knowledge gained primarily through acquaintances such as neighbors and community policing officers.