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The quality of community life in the Detroit metropolitan area and factors influencing it were the main focus for this Detroit Area Study. To gauge perceptions of the quality of life in the Detroit tri-county area, respondents were asked how satisfied or dissatisfied they were with the tri-county area in general, with their neighborhoods, and with the quality of local community services, such as quality of local roads, public schools, police and garbage collection. In addition, the survey measured respondents' satisfaction or dissatisfaction with their own education, income, health, amount of leisure time, marriage, family life, job, home, and other aspects of their lives. Respondents also were questioned about their expectations for the future, their friendships in the tri-county area, friendliness with neighbors, use of recreational facilities, and where their children played. The survey also sought respondents' opinions on a wide range of other issues such as race relations, social stratification, abortion, the benefits of the free enterprise system, whether or not the United States was a meritocracy, and the meaning and value of democracy. Additional information gathered by the survey includes duration of residence in the tri-county area and at the current residence, place of previous residence, home ownership, rent payments, value of the home, number of separate bedrooms, motor vehicle ownership and use, use of public transportation, employment status, occupation and industry, independence and authority at work, number of siblings ever born, religious preference, social class identification, political preference, and information on age, sex, place of birth, income, race, ethnicity, and household composition.

This survey focused on the influence of education on respondents' attitudes toward a variety of issues, including crime, city services, police protection, neighborhoods, health-care coverage, taxes, public schools, the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA), and government involvement in correcting class, gender, and race disparities. The survey also sought respondents' opinions on issues such as race relations, discrimination against women, racial balance in schools, laws against interracial marriages, housing discrimination law, racial profiling, and voting for a Black presidential candidate. Respondents were questioned on the comparative differences between Blacks and Whites in types of jobs held, housing, and level of income, and why Blacks were worse off than whites, the effects on property values of Blacks moving into White neighborhoods, and the high rate of unemployment and crime among Blacks as compared to Whites. Also explored were respondents' feelings about the death penalty, immigrants, other races, poor people, minority groups, affirmative action, homosexuality, television violence, censorship, and abortion. Questions on the respondents' educational background covered the types of elementary and secondary schools they attended and grades earned, level of education and degrees earned, and types of college(s) attended. Additional information gathered by the survey includes respondents' duration of residence in the tri-county area and at the current residence, place of previous residence, employment status, social class stratification, religious denomination, party preference, participation in social and political life, and knowledge of current affairs. Demographic information includes respondents' gender, age, marital status, race, and ethnicity.

This study focuses on understanding how the National Memorial for Peace and Justice (NMPJ), the first large-scale memorial to black or African American victims of lynching, affects the immediate community surrounding it. Memorialization in the United States has been a growing trend over the past few decades. To date, there has been limited research on how memorials affect relationships between groups and how they impact the attitudes and behaviors of individuals. This study explores how the representation of past racial violence is interpreted and responded to by those who regularly interact with it. The study helps to understand better how the practice of memorialization mediates how our nation grapples with the darkest moments of its past.

The data include the following:

• Survey data: A four-wave longitudinal survey of the local city's residents was conducted pre- and post NMPJ's opening to capture social and political attitudes. Additionally, a two-wave longitudinal survey was conducted with two comparison groups in Alabama
• Secondary data: Montgomery City Police Department crime data concerning reported incidents that occurred between Oct. 27, 2017 and Oct. 31, 2018. The collection was restricted to incidents that occurred within two miles of NMPJ
• Secondary data: Links to and metadata of 619 American media stories in English addressing NMPJ, which were published between Aug. 16, 2016 and Jan. 17, 2020

The 2008 election offers a rare opportunity to analyze a significant event in American history - the election of the first African American president. Because the longitudinal panel series began in 2004, prior to the emergence of President Obama as a serious political candidate and nominee, the results from these surveys provide a rare vehicle for comparing data over time on important demographic, political, and, of particular interest given President Obama's racial background, racial and ethnic issues related to vote choice and political behavior. The wealth of data obtained from this survey will benefit scholars for many years to come.

This report provides a general overview of some of the key findings from the 2008 data collection. Topics covered include: demographic information of the population, work status, home ownership, political ideology, party identification, presidential choice, race relations, feeling thermometer data for a variety of political figures and relevant groups or organizations, and current events such as the Iraq War and same-sex marriage. Because differences among the racial and ethnic groups surveyed in this study are of political significance (Whites, African Americans, Hispanics, Asian Americans, and Caribbean Blacks), much of the data presented here is disaggregated by racial and ethnic group.

The objective of the Seattle Neighborhoods and Crime Survey (SNCS) was to test multilevel theories of neighborhood social organization and criminal violence. It was funded by the National Science Foundation (SES-0004324), and the National Consortium on Violence Research (SBR-9513040). Using the concept of differential neighborhood organization, the investigators posited that neighborhood crime is a function of informal social control against crime and informal organization in favor of crime. Informal neighborhood control against crime consists of neighborhood attachment, social capital, and collective efficacy. The study tested the hypothesis that individual social ties are explained by a rational choice model, which in turn produces neighborhood social capital that can be used to achieve collective goals. It also tested the hypothesis that neighborhoods rich in social capital had greater collective efficacy, which in turn, helped produce safe neighborhoods. Organization in favor of crime consists of violent codes of the street. The study tested the hypothesis that residents from disadvantaged neighborhoods tend to distrust police and other agents of conventional institutions, and consequently are more likely to participate in street culture, in which violence is a way of obtaining street credibility and status, as well as resolving disputes. The project has also examined dimensions of neighboring, and the causes and consequences of fear of crime.

The study used a telephone survey of households within all 123 census tracts in the city of Seattle, WA, conducted in 2002-2003. The sampling frame was designed by investigators at the University of Washington, with three objectives in mind: (a) to gain a random sample of households within each of 123 census tracts; (b) to obtain a disproportionate number of racial and ethnic minorities using an ethnic oversample; and (c) to obtain a replication sample of Terrance Miethe's 1990 victimization survey in 100 Seattle neighborhoods [Testing Theories of Criminality and Victimization in Seattle, 1960-1990]. Specific samples were drawn by Genesys, a sampling firm in Philadelphia, PA, using a constantly-updated compilation of white pages. Telephone interviews were conducted by the Social and Behavioral Research Institute at California State University, San Marcos, using computer-assisted telephone interviewing (CATI) technology.

Respondents were asked about household demographics, such as race, gender, residential mobility, age distribution of the household, and income, their perceptions and assessments of their neighborhoods (including safety, disorder, and crime), neighbors, and relations with police. A variety of questions about neighboring were asked, including social capital (intergenerational closure, reciprocated exchange, and participation in neighborhood associations), attachment to their neighborhood, and collective efficacy (child-centered social control). Respondents were asked about routine activities including taking steps to protect their homes, spending time in bars and nightclubs, and leaving their home unattended. Questions about fear of crime included personal fear as well as altruistic fear for other members of the household, and questions about racial attitudes included residential preferences by race composition of the neighborhood. A victimization inventory modeled after the National Crime Victimization Survey was used for burglary, vandalism, stolen property, violence, and robbery. Demographic information includes age, race, sex, education, martial status, household income, whether respondent was a student, employment status, religious affiliation, approximate value of home, monthly rent including utilities, residence history in the last five years, whether respondent was born in the Unites States, and number of people currently living in the respondent's household.

The Survey of Consumer Attitudes and Behavior series (also known as the Surveys of Consumers) was undertaken to measure changes in consumer attitudes and expectations, to understand why such changes occur, and to evaluate how they relate to consumer decisions to save, borrow, or make discretionary purchases. The data regularly include the Index of Consumer Sentiment, the Index of Current Economic Conditions, and the Index of Consumer Expectations.

This survey was undertaken to assess consumer sentiment and buying plans. Open-ended questions were asked concerning evaluations and expectations about personal finances, employment, recession, price changes, and the national business situation. Additional variables probe respondents' buying intentions for a house, automobiles, appliances, and other consumer durables, and the respondents' appraisals of present market conditions for purchasing houses and other durables. Other variables probe respondents' opinions of the United States government's help to the South Vietnamese government, the seriousness of Arab nations' intentions regarding peace with Israel, women's right to abortion, voting for a woman or a Jew as a presidential candidate, gun permit law, causes of crime and lawlessness, chances of Russian adherence to a nuclear weapons limitation agreement with the United States, and communism in the United States and free speech. Additional topics covered include the proposed government tax returns, a solution to the energy crisis, the relative merits of buying a new or used car and the relative value of small foreign cars and the small American cars, job pay satisfaction, penalties for smoking marijuana, freedom to make uncomplimentary public speeches, monetary drive of lawyers and doctors and the state of the public good, satisfaction with life in the United States, government's expected role in racial integration and relations between white and Black people, vacation plans, and respondents' assessment of their financial status relative to the previous year. Information is also provided on respondents' car ownership and the make and use of it, political party self-identification and party candidate vote preference, self-identified ideological position, the neighborhood and house structure respondents live in, and spending plans for their income tax refunds. Demographic variables provide information on respondents' age, sex, race, marital status, occupation, employment status, religion, and family income.