Showing 1 – 5 of 5 results.
Curated
Simple Crosstabs
Ethnic Collective Action in Contemporary Urban United States -- Data on Conflicts and Protests, 1954-1992 (ICPSR 34341)
Released/updated on: 2015-03-04
Geographic coverage: United States
Time period: 1954-01-01--1992-12-31
This project seeks to identify sources of ethnic and racial conflict and protest in urban America from 1954 through 1992. The data on collective events are coded using The New York Times. Detailed coding rules produced a chronological dataset that allows researchers to:
Analyze the location and timing of both conflicts (confrontations between two or more ethnic populations) and protests (marches, mass meetings, demonstrations on behalf of one ethnic group, expressing grievances related to discrimination or racial policy).
Specifically analyze a type of protest (e.g., civil rights movement activity, or urban race riots) and the potential dynamic relationship of different types of protests and conflicts.
Identify any ethnic, nationality, or racial characteristics of participants who were the targets and/or instigators of each protest and conflict.
Analyze information on each event's location, size, targets, police presence, arrests, damage or injuries, and the content of claims directed against government authorities, police, and other groups.
Curated
ICPSR Instructional Subset: Justifying Violence: Attitudes of American Men, 1969 (ICPSR 7517)
Released/updated on: 1992-02-16
Geographic coverage: United States
Time period: 1969-01-01--1969-12-31
This survey of attitudes of 1,374 American men aged 16-64 toward violence was conducted in the summer of 1969 by the Survey Research Center of the Institute for Social Research at the University of Michigan. The investigators examined the level of violence that respondents viewed as justified to accomplish social control and social change and also probed the respondents' personal values, their definition of violence, and their identification with groups involved in violence. To examine the degree of violence that American men felt could be justified for social control, the investigators asked respondents to react to situations involving protests and other disturbances. These situations included hoodlum gang disturbances, student protests, and Black protest demonstrations. The respondents were asked what police actions from "letting it go" to "shooting to kill" were appropriate as police control measures. Several such items were combined to form an index of "violence for social control." In questions dealing with the level of violence necessary to bring about social change, respondents were asked if they agreed with the necessity of "protest in which some people will be killed" in order to bring about changes sought by Blacks, by student demonstrators, and in general. These items were combined into an index of "violence for social change." This instructional subset from the original study also includes an initial series of questions that asked whether respondents viewed such actions as protest demonstrations, police frisking, looting, burglary, and draft-card burning as violence. This was followed by inquiries into the possible causes of violence and motives of those who participate in violence. Another set of variables deals with respondents' relative views of property damage and personal injury and their opinions on the use of violence to prevent violence, violence as a teaching tool, forgiveness of one's attacker, and the roles of courts and police agencies in combating crime. The subset concludes with a number of derived indices of violence attitudes that drew upon survey questions to form general patterns. These derived indices include retributive justice, self-defense, humanism, property-person priority, kindness, police-court power, court fairness, social causes, trust, and peer consensus indices. Finally, several summary measures gauge the respondents' general approval of violence for social control and social change purposes. Demographic variables specify education, age, religion, socioeconomic status, and region of the country.
Curated
Negro Political Attitudes, 1964 (ICPSR 7002)
Released/updated on: 2007-12-19
Geographic coverage: New York City, United States, Chicago, Atlanta, Illinois, Georgia, Alabama, New York (state), Birmingham
Time period: 1964-01-01--1964-12-31
This study is part of the University of California's Five-Year Study of anti-Semitism in the United States. As a result of the outbreak of Black rioting during the summer of 1964, it was decided to expand the proposed Black subsample of the national sample to a larger Black oversample in order to study the climate of opinion in the Black American community. These Black respondents were selected by drawing five samples: one general metropolitan sample and four urban samples from Chicago, New York, Atlanta, and Birmingham. Questions were asked about the respondents' present economic and social positions as well as the economic and social conditions in their childhood. Respondents' opinions on civil rights issues as well as attitudes toward authority and treatment of Blacks in the existing system were investigated. A section of the questionnaire was devoted to the respondents' attitudes toward Jews and other groups.
Curated
Negro Political Participation Study, 1961-1962 (ICPSR 7255)
Released/updated on: 2006-08-15
Geographic coverage: North Carolina, Mississippi, United States, Texas, Tennessee, Louisiana, Georgia, Alabama, Florida, Virginia, Arkansas, South Carolina
Time period: 1961-01-01--1962-12-31
This study was designed to investigate patterns of
political participation among adult Blacks in the South. All
interviews were taken in the former confederate states: Alabama,
Arkansas, Florida, Georgia, Louisiana, Mississippi, North Carolina,
South Carolina, Tennessee, Texas, and Virginia. Along with a Black
adults sample (Part 2), a sample of White adults (Part 3) was included
as a control group for comparison and a sample of Black students (Part
1) was interviewed with an aim to projecting trends in participation
patterns. Variables ascertained voting behavior, political discussion,
degree of political organizational activity, participation in
demonstrations, and communication with public officials as modes of
political participation. Respondents' views on Black leadership,
effectiveness of Black organizations, attitudes of White leaders and
officials, the effect of electoral laws on Black participation,
perceptions of the major parties, party identification, and feelings
on race relations were also assessed. The questions asked of both
adult samples are identical, and the data may be used for comparative
purposes. Demographic data include age, sex, level of education,
primary and secondary occupations, religious preference, and family
income.
Curated
Simple Crosstabs
Sit-ins and Desegregation in the U.S. South in the Early 1960s (ICPSR 35630)
Released/updated on: 2015-05-08
Geographic coverage: Tennessee, Kentucky, Alabama, Florida, Arkansas, West Virginia, Mississippi, Texas, Missouri, Louisiana, Georgia, Virginia, Maryland
Time period: 1960-01-01--1961-12-31
This study examines the causes and consequences of sit-ins in the American South. It was motivated by four questions: (1) Why did sit-ins occur in some cities rather than others in the spring of 1960? (2) Did movement organizations grow faster where sit-ins occurred? (3) Why did desegregation occur in some cities but not others in 1960-1961? (4) Was desegregation more likely where sit-ins occurred? To answer these questions, data was collected on cities in the states of the former Confederacy plus Maryland, Kentucky, and West Virginia. All urban places with a population of at least 10,000 and a Black population of at least 1,000 are included. These provide the 334 observations. Variables include dates of sit-in protest and of the desegregation of lunch counters, social and economic characteristics from the 1960 Census, geographical location, Civil Rights organizations, newspaper circulation, and athletic affiliations of Black colleges.