American Mosaic Project Survey, 2003 (ICPSR 28821)
Collaborative Multi-racial Post-election Survey (CMPS), 2008 (ICPSR 35163)
Immigrant Second Generation in Metropolitan New York (ICPSR 30302)
National Asian American Survey (NAAS), [United States], 2008 (ICPSR 31481)
The New Immigrant Survey Round 1 (NIS-2003-1), United States, 2003-2004 [Public and Restricted-Use Version 1] (ICPSR 38031)
The New Immigrant Survey (NIS) was a nationally representative, longitudinal study of new legal immigrants to the United States and their children. The sampling frame was based on the electronic administrative records compiled for new legal permanent residents (LPRs) by the U.S. government (via, formerly, the U.S. Immigration and Naturalization Service (INS) and now its successor agencies, the U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services (USCIS) and the Office of Immigration Statistics (OIS)). The sample was drawn from new legal immigrants during May through November of 2003. The geographic sampling design took advantage of the natural clustering of immigrants. It included all top 85 Metropolitan Statistical Areas (MSAs) and all top 38 counties, plus a random sample of MSAs and counties. The baseline survey was conducted from June 2003 to June 2004 and yielded data on:
- 8,573 Adult Sample respondents,
- 810 sponsor-parents of the Sampled Child,
- 4,915 spouses,
- and 1,072 children aged 8-12.
Interviews were conducted in the respondents' language of choice. The Round 1 questionnaire items that were used in social-demographic-migration surveys around the world as well as the major U.S. longitudinal surveys were reviewed in order to achieve comparability. The NIS content includes the following information: demographic, health and insurance, migration history, living conditions, transfers, employment history, income, assets, social networks, religion, housing environment, and child assessment tests.
Project on Human Development in Chicago Neighborhoods (PHDCN): Demographic File, Wave 1, 1994-1997 (ICPSR 13581)
Project on Human Development in Chicago Neighborhoods (PHDCN): Master File, Wave 1, 1994-1997 (ICPSR 13580)
Project on Human Development in Chicago Neighborhoods (PHDCN): Master File, Wave 2, 1997-2000 (ICPSR 13608)
Project on Human Development in Chicago Neighborhoods (PHDCN): Master File, Wave 3, 2000-2002 (ICPSR 13668)
Southeast Asian Refugee Self-Sufficiency Study, 1982 (ICPSR 8454)
Understanding the Fear of Street Gangs: The Importance of Community Conditions [Santa Ana, California, 1997] (ICPSR 32161)
This study was designed as an exploratory study to understand fear of gang crime among residents living in an urban area plagued by gangs. During the Summer of 1997, six focus groups were conducted in Santa Ana, California -- two in lower income neighborhoods, two in middle income neighborhoods, and two in upper income neighborhoods. After the focus groups ended, participants were asked to take disposable cameras with them and take pictures of examples of neighborhood factors that prompted them to fear gangs and then mail them back to me in a postage-paid envelope.
The research questions guiding this study were: How do the fear-of-crime perspectives apply to fear of gang crime specifically? When worrying about gang crime, do different people focus primarily on different problems (e.g., some diversity or some disorder), or do the same people think about all of these factors? Findings first showed that all four theoretical perspectives on fear of crime applied to the same people at once, rather than to different people (e.g., some being worried about racial and ethnic differences but others about disorder). Second, findings illustrated specifically how these residents connected the factors into one thought process leading to fear of gangs. Residents in these groups clearly believed that ethnic and cultural diversity, or in this case, recent "illegal" Latino immigrants, brought disorder, which in turn caused community decline and brought gangs. This thought process led to personal fear of gang-related victimization. Their beliefs about these causal connections were primarily influenced by their knowledge and observations that gangs in the area were Latino; by direct observation of area diversity disorder, and decline; and by experience living in their changing neighborhoods over time. In addition, beliefs were fueled by indirect victimization, or knowledge gained primarily through acquaintances such as neighbors and community policing officers.