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Collaborative Multi-racial Post-election Survey (CMPS), 2008 (ICPSR 35163)

Released/updated on: 2014-08-21
Geographic coverage: North Carolina, United States, Hawaii, California, Florida, New York (state), New Jersey, Washington, Michigan, Pennsylvania, New Mexico, Illinois, Texas, Colorado, Ohio, Georgia, Virginia, Arizona, Nevada
Time period: 2008-11-01--2009-01-31
The 2008 Collaborative Multi-racial Post-election Survey (CMPS) is a national telephone survey of registered voters, with comparably large samples of African Americans, Asian Americans, Latinos, and Whites. The telephone survey, conducted between November 9, 2008 and January 5, 2009, is the first multiracial and multilingual survey of registered voters across multiple states and regions in a presidential election. In contrast to the 2008 American National Election Study (ANES) which oversampled Black and Latino voters, and was available in Spanish, the CMPS was available in six languages and contains robust samples of the four largest racial/ethnic groups: Whites, Latinos, Blacks, Asians. The CMPS contains 4,563 respondents who registered to vote in the November 2008 election and who self-identified as Asian, Black, Latino, and White. The survey was available in English, Spanish, Mandarin, Cantonese, Korean, Vietnamese and respondents were offered the opportunity to interview in their language of choice. The six states that were sampled to produced robust samples of all four major racial groups include California, Texas, New York, Florida, Illinois, and New Jersey, and the statewide samples range from 243 to 669 cases. In order to arrive at more nationally representative samples of each minority group, the study added two supplemental states per racial group, including Arizona and New Mexico (Latinos), North Carolina and Georgia (Blacks), Hawaii and Washington (Asians). Of these 12 states, 3 were considered political battlegrounds in the 2008 Presidential electorate -- New Mexico, Florida, and North Carolina. In order to examine multi-racial politics in competitive and non-competitive environments, the study supplemented the sample with six additional diverse battleground states: Colorado, Michigan, Nevada, Ohio, Pennsylvania, and Virginia. As of the 2008 election, two-thirds of the national electorate was concentrated in these 18 states. For Latinos, 92 percent of all registered voters reside in these states; 87 percent of Asian Americans; and 66 percent of Blacks, and 61 percent of Whites. The November 2008 CMPS provides estimates of the registered voter population by race, age, gender, and education level which was applied to the sample, by racial group, so that the distributions match those of the Census on these important demographic categories. In the study, there are 51 items dealing with sociopolitical attitudes, mobilization and political activity. Additionally, there are 21 items that capture demographic information, including: age, ancestry, birthplace, education, ethnicity, marital status, number in the household, religiosity, gender, media usage and residential context.
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Simple Crosstabs

Survey of Russian Elites, Moscow, Russia, 1993-2020 (ICPSR 3724)

Released/updated on: 2023-06-01
Geographic coverage: Moscow, Russia
Time period: 1993-01-01--2020-12-31

The Survey of Russian Elites consists of one dataset that covers the years 1993, 1995, 1999, 2004, 2008, 2012, 2016, and 2020. The data were collected as part of a larger study of mass-elite interactions in post-Soviet Russia, with particular emphasis on the links between the domestic political economy and foreign policy perspectives. The dataset includes questions on international relations, threat perceptions, foreign policy decision-making, domestic politics, and economic issues.

In particular, respondents were asked their opinions about the national interests of Russia, the role of military force in international relations, the greatest threats to stability and security, the enlargement of the European Union, NATO expansion, the need for order in Russia, and how closely Russia should follow the path of developed countries. Additional questions asked respondents about their level of influence on foreign policy decision-making, how they find out about world and domestic events, how often they discuss such events with friends or family members, whether the United States represents a threat to Russia, whether they favor giving military aid to other countries, the importance of various foreign policy goals to Russia, the influence of various governmental institutions on foreign policy, and the permissibility of using military force. Questions focusing on domestic issues asked about their attitudes regarding government spending, the rights of individuals versus those of society, the role of political competition, the responsibility of the government to its citizens, the importance and meaning of democracy, and the type of political system that is most appropriate for Russia. Respondents were also asked about Russia's relations with other countries (e.g., Ukraine, Belarus, Japan, and China), various forms of property ownership, their willingness to open a new business, national pride, political protests, the environment, their views toward immigrants and other societal groups, and Russia's political and economic future.

Demographic questions include nationality, education, occupation of the respondent and other family members, sex, age, country of birth, marital status, language spoken in the home, income level, household composition, political party affiliation, religion, military service, and foreign travel.

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