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This data collection is comprised of responses from two sets of survey questionnaires, the basic Current Population Survey (CPS) and a survey administered as a supplement to the November 2008 CPS questionnaire on the topic of Civic Engagement. The Corporation for National and Community Service sponsored the November supplemental questions.

The CPS, administered monthly, collects labor force data about the civilian noninstitutional population aged 15 years old or older living in the United States. Moreover, the CPS provides current estimates of the economic status and activities of this population which includes estimates of total employment (both farm and nonfarm), nonfarm self-employed persons, domestics, and unpaid helpers in nonfarm family enterprises, wage and salaried employees, and estimates of total unemployment. Data from the CPS are provided for the week prior to the administration of the survey.

All persons eligible for the basic CPS survey were also eligible for the supplement survey. Self or proxy responses were allowed for the supplement, that is a single respondent could provide answers for themselves or provide answers for all eligible household members, provided the respondent him/herself was a household member 15 years of age or older.

The supplement questions sought to measure the level of civic engagement of individuals in the United States. Civic engagement is a broad concept that can be defined by one's level of or involvement in: empowerment and political action; groups and networks; trust and solidarity; information and communication; and social cohesion and inclusion. The supplement questions specifically related to people's level of communication with their friends and family, involvement and level of participation in their communities as well as organized groups, extent of political action and knowledge, extent of connections with other community members, and how often individuals get news and information from various media sources.

Demographic variables include age, sex, race, Hispanic origin, marital status, veteran status, educational background, occupation, industry, and income.

This data collection is comprised of responses from two sets of survey questionnaires, the basic Current Population Survey (CPS) and a survey administered as a supplement to the November 2009 CPS questionnaire on the topic of Civic Engagement.

The CPS, administered monthly, collects labor force data about the civilian noninstitutional population aged 15 years old or older living in the United States. Moreover, the CPS provides current estimates of the economic status and activities of this population which includes estimates of total employment (both farm and nonfarm), nonfarm self-employed persons, domestics, and unpaid helpers in nonfarm family enterprises, wage and salaried employees, and estimates of total unemployment. Data from the CPS are provided for the week prior to the administration of the survey.

The civic engagement supplement questions were asked of all persons 18 years or older in outgoing rotation households. Self or proxy response were allowed for the supplement, that is a single respondent could provide answers for themselves or provide answers for all eligible household members, provided the respondent him/herself was a household member 18 years of age or older.

The supplement questions sought to measure the level of civic engagement of individuals in the United States. Civic engagement is a broad concept that can be defined by one's level of or involvement in: empowerment and political action; groups and networks; trust and solidarity; information and communication; and social cohesion and inclusion. The supplement questions specifically related to people's level of communication with their friends and family, involvement and level of participation in their communities as well as organized groups, extent of political action and knowledge, extent of connections with other community members, and how often individuals get news and information from various media sources.

Demographic variables include age, sex, race, Hispanic origin, marital status, veteran status, educational background, occupation, industry, and income.

This data collection is comprised of responses from two sets of survey questionnaires, the basic Current Population Survey (CPS) and a survey administered as a supplement to the November 2010 CPS questionnaire on the topic of Civic Engagement.

The CPS, administered monthly, collects labor force data about the civilian noninstitutional population aged 15 years old or older living in the United States. Moreover, the CPS provides current estimates of the economic status and activities of this population which includes estimates of total employment (both farm and nonfarm), nonfarm self-employed persons, domestics, and unpaid helpers in nonfarm family enterprises, wage and salaried employees, and estimates of total unemployment. Data from the CPS are provided for the week prior to the administration of the survey.

The Civic Engagement supplement questions were asked of all persons 18 years or older in outgoing rotation households. Self or proxy response were allowed for the supplement, that is a single respondent could provide answers for themselves or provide answers for all eligible household members, provided the respondent him/herself was a household member 18 years of age or older. The supplement questions sought to measure the level of Civic Engagement of individuals in the United States. Civic Engagement is a broad concept that can be defined by one's level of or involvement in: empowerment and political action; groups and networks; trust and solidarity; information and communication; and social cohesion and inclusion. The supplement questions specifically related to people's level of communication with their friends and family, involvement and level of participation in their communities as well as organized groups, extent of political action and knowledge, extent of connections with other community members, and how often individuals get news and information from various media sources.

Demographic variables include age, sex, race, Hispanic origin, marital status, veteran status, educational background, occupation, industry, and income.

This study of 664 adults in the Detroit metropolitan area in 1975 provides information on their perceptions of the quality of life in their neighborhood and the services provided by their local governments. Data are provided on neighborhood characteristics and problems, as well as respondents' political beliefs and activities. Items explored respondents' feelings about their neighborhood, city government's services, and a new regional government, and their opinions about government offices and officials, and government's use of taxpayers' money. Also explored were respondents' voting behavior, interactions with people in their neighborhood and in the Detroit tri-county area, and use of the news media. In addition, the respondents were asked to list their neighborhood problems and local issues dealt with that year. Demographic variables specify sex, age, race, education, occupation, and income.

This survey focused on issues and problems facing residents of Detroit and the surrounding metropolitan area in 1990, including environmental concerns, problems with law enforcement and drugs, crime, education, housing, jobs, cost of living, welfare, taxes and government services, government administration, moral values, and other concerns. Respondents were asked about the importance they placed on each issue and the perceived priority the government gave to each issue. Environmental issues were further examined with respect to specific environmental concerns, such as pollution, exposure to hazardous waste, loss or harm to wildlife and/or their habitats, and the depletion and conservation of natural resources. Respondents' degree of political and community involvement was gauged through questions regarding their voting behavior, their work for or involvement with a political party or community organization, and the type of community organizations to which they belonged. Racial attitudes were also probed, with questions on the economic position of African Americans, political and economic equality, and attitudes toward African-American subgroups (young, older, middle class). Demographic information includes respondents' gender, age, marital status, race, ethnicity, area of residence, type of residence, duration of residence, and whether the residence was owned by the respondent or rented.

The 2001 Detroit Area Study (DAS) is a survey of over 4,300 adults in metro Detroit and addresses their perceptions, expectations, satisfaction, and behaviors associated with community living. The 2001 DAS, conducted in the spring and summer 2001, consisted of two parts. Initially, face-to-face interviews were conducted with a probability sample of 315 adult respondents (18 years of age and older) living in the tri-county area of Wayne, Oakland, and Macomb Counties. Subsequently, a questionnaire was mailed to a sample of adults throughout the seven counties; 4,077 were returned. Response rates were 59.8 percent for the face-to-face sample and 56.7 percent for the mail sample. In addition to survey responses, DAS 2001 compiled contextual information about the minor civil divisions (MCDs) or communities and environments associated with each respondent. Contextual information includes housing and demographic characteristics, land use characteristics, and other characteristics of the communities where respondents live (growth rates, employment, school information). Questions on the survey asked about residential history; public services and transportation; government and taxes; schools; police; parks, recreation and where kids play; shopping and other community issues; community participation and involvement; neighborhood and neighboring; housing and prospective mobility; safety; employment and journey to work; health and health care facilities; other Detroit and regional issues; demographics; and observations. The 2001 DAS presents a unique opportunity to explore and record changes over time by measuring people's opinions and behaviors and the conditions in their communities. The 2001 DAS is different from earlier DAS surveys in several ways. First, the study has been expanded from three to seven counties in southeast Michigan, often referred to as the metro Detroit area. That is, the study contacted residents in Livingston, Macomb, Monroe, Oakland, St. Clair, Wayne, and Washtenaw counties and in the city of Detroit. Second, the number of people contacted is greatly increased using a combination of face-to-face interviews and questionnaires sent by mail. Over 4,000 households in the region were contacted. Third, the questionnaires were designed in consultation with stakeholder groups representing government, industry, and nonprofit organizations in the region. Finally, indicators associated with the sampled households are being compiled and analyzed (along with the survey responses) using statistical and spatial analytic techniques including Geographic Information Systems (GIS).

The 2002 Detroit Area Study (DAS) is a face-to-face survey of adults in the Detroit, Michigan tri-county area. Respondents were asked questions about their place of residence, level of political participation, general political attitudes, concern about the environment, environmental consumerism, environmental justice, and the quality of the environment in their current neighborhood and the neighborhood in which they were raised. Information was also collected on respondents' job responsibilities, current financial situation, the availability of childcare and transportation, and their own feelings of self-worth. Interviewer observations about the condition of the respondent's neighborhood were also included. Demographic variables include sex, age, race, ethnicity, marital status, household income, education level, employment status, occupation, and industry, labor union membership, religious preference, frequency of religious attendance, and the presence of children in the household.

The National Black Politics Study was designed to provide information on attitudes and opinions regarding a number of issues of importance to Black Americans. Topics included the performance of President Bill Clinton, the economic condition of Black Americans, and what respondents thought ought to be done to improve the condition of Black people. Questions regarding Black women and their role in the Black community were also asked. In addition, the role and extent of religion in Black politics was investigated.

Respondents also provided information about their political self-identification and their community and political involvement, as well as their feelings toward various political leaders, political groups, and national policies. Demographic information on respondents includes sex, age, education, marital status, income, and occupation and industry.

Immigrant communities have been an indispensable element of United States metropolitan life, often playing the role of a way station on a long journey of assimilation. Reflecting this, a linear spatial assimilation theory asserts that immigrants settle initially in a segregated urban ethnic enclave and disperse as they achieve economic, social, and cultural assimilation. The growth of suburban immigrant communities over the last couple of decades, however, challenges this traditional notion; suburban residency is no longer the final stage of assimilation. For many new immigrants, suburbia has become the first stop rather than an eventual destination. Furthermore, transitory immigrant communities are not necessarily located in urban areas. Dispersed immigrant's practical needs can now be met by suburban ethnic enclaves. This points to spatial assimilation without the attenuation of ties to ethnic businesses, jobs, shopping malls, churches, and social service facilities.

The study examines this spatial dispersion without diminishing ethnic ties, that is, without ethnic attenuation. More specifically, it compares Korean households at varying degrees of spatial dispersion (i.e., concentrated, dispersed, and highly dispersed) and their corresponding job, consumption, religious, and social linkages to ethnic enclaves both in the suburbs and the central city. To do so, the study focused on the current ethnic linkages of dispersed Korean suburban immigrant households in Bergen County, New Jersey. Korean immigrants are a highly suburbanized group and are generally considered a challenge to the traditional spatial assimilation model. They, however, have not been extensively researched in this context. In addition, Bergen County, NJ is the largest and fastest growing suburban settlement of Korean immigrants in the New York metropolitan area. As such, it offers an unusual opportunity to examine the simultaneous occurrence of spatial dispersion and ethnic concentration.

Methodologically, the study consisted of two tasks. The first task investigated how and why Bergen County's Korean households are spatially dispersed based on 1980, 1990, and 2000 aggregate Census data and 1990 and 2000 Public-Use Microdata Sample Data. The second task examined why and to what extent Korean households in the suburbs are linked to ethnic centers. This information was collected from a telephone survey of Korean households in Bergen County in 2004.

This study was designed as an exploratory study to understand fear of gang crime among residents living in an urban area plagued by gangs. During the Summer of 1997, six focus groups were conducted in Santa Ana, California -- two in lower income neighborhoods, two in middle income neighborhoods, and two in upper income neighborhoods. After the focus groups ended, participants were asked to take disposable cameras with them and take pictures of examples of neighborhood factors that prompted them to fear gangs and then mail them back to me in a postage-paid envelope.

The research questions guiding this study were: How do the fear-of-crime perspectives apply to fear of gang crime specifically? When worrying about gang crime, do different people focus primarily on different problems (e.g., some diversity or some disorder), or do the same people think about all of these factors? Findings first showed that all four theoretical perspectives on fear of crime applied to the same people at once, rather than to different people (e.g., some being worried about racial and ethnic differences but others about disorder). Second, findings illustrated specifically how these residents connected the factors into one thought process leading to fear of gangs. Residents in these groups clearly believed that ethnic and cultural diversity, or in this case, recent "illegal" Latino immigrants, brought disorder, which in turn caused community decline and brought gangs. This thought process led to personal fear of gang-related victimization. Their beliefs about these causal connections were primarily influenced by their knowledge and observations that gangs in the area were Latino; by direct observation of area diversity disorder, and decline; and by experience living in their changing neighborhoods over time. In addition, beliefs were fueled by indirect victimization, or knowledge gained primarily through acquaintances such as neighbors and community policing officers.