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This study of 132 adults in managerial, personnel, and supervisory positions in private firms in the Detroit metropolitan area in 1972 provides information on affirmative action in the workplace, as well as company products, type and structure, management style, and profitability. Data are provided on respondents' firms' product lines and services, labor force, assets, profit margins and revenues, salaries and wages, stocks, use of computer technology, supervisors' duties and roles, pension plans, recruitment methods, unions, rates of promotion, dress codes, and work processes. Other items explored respondents' attitudes toward government's efforts to eliminate employment-based racial discrimination, and white collar and blue collar jobs. Demographic variables specify sex, race, education, income, religion, political party affiliation, length of residence in the Detroit area, and length of time in current job and position.

Crime and other matters of criminal justice were the main focus of inquiry for this Detroit Area Study. Respondents were asked to report on incidents of crime against themselves, relatives, and friends. They also were queried about their fears of being victimized by crime and about measures they had undertaken to protect themselves against crime. In addition, the survey elicited views on wide range of criminal justice issues such as the death penalty, the causes of crime and ways to reduce it, the salience of crime as a social problem, the legalization of marijuana use, handgun laws, the criminality of certain acts such as shooting a fleeing burglar, the construction of new prisons, the imposition of new taxes to improve law enforcement, the allocation of federal funds to police and other services, the activities of the police and courts including their fairness toward blacks, and whether or not convicting the innocent was better than letting the guilty go free. The survey also sought respondents' views on other social issues, such as prayer in public schools, labor unions, the Equal Rights amendment, defense spending, abortion, the quality of public schools, and affirmative action. Additional information gathered by the survey includes duration of residence in the tri-county area and at the current address, place of previous residence, moves planned for the future, television viewing habits, which newspapers were read, gun ownership, shopping habits, home and motor vehicle ownership, use of public transportation, travel to work, political and social class affiliation, satisfaction with neighborhoods and with the tri-county area, and information on age, sex, place of birth, marital status, education, employment, occupation, income, religion, race, ethnicity, and household composition.

This survey focused on factors that influence social change in the Michigan tri-county area of Oakland, Macomb, and Wayne counties and the changes that have occurred over time with respect to different ethnic groups and women. Respondents' opinions were sought on issues such as job discrimination, including pay and promotion on the basis of race, ethnicity, or gender, factors that influence employers in hiring decisions, such as experience in line of work, formal education, references, looks and appearance, age, race, and gender, possible reasons for Blacks' having worse jobs, income, and housing than Whites, and factors that affect this situation, such as racial discrimination, perceived inferior ability, lack of educational opportunities, and lack of motivation on the part of Blacks. The survey also elicited respondents' views on factors influencing residential segregation, including the lack of affordable housing for African Americans and other ethnic minorities and the lack of Whites' acceptance of these ethnic minority groups in White neighborhoods. Other variables probed respondents' attitudes toward interracial marriage, segregated and desegregated schools, all-Black male and all-Black female public schools, nonviolent and violent means of social change among Blacks, government legislative measures such as the cut in welfare cost, parental approval for under-age abortion, the amount of federal taxes paid, and affirmative action for women and African Americans in job training, education, hiring, and promotion. Also explored were respondents' feelings about the quality of city and neighborhood services, public schools, crime, and the desirability of living in Wayne, Oakland, and Macomb counties and some of the suburbs around Detroit. Additional variables examined respondents' views on comparative wealth and intelligence among ethnic groups such as Asians, Blacks, Hispanics, Arab Americans, and Whites, the degree of discrimination toward Hispanics, Blacks, Asians, and women, and the high degree of self-reliance among immigrant groups and nationalities in the United States as compared to United States minorities such as African Americans. Questions on the respondents' educational background covered the level of education and professional qualifications. Additional information gathered by the survey includes duration of residence in the tri-county area and at the current residence, place of previous residence, employment status, place of employment, mode of transportation to work, income, current debts and assets, job benefits, previous military service, information on family and household members, religious denomination, presidential candidate preference, age, race, ethnicity, skin tone if Black, marital status, and gender.

This study of 400 adults of Caucasian or African-American descent in the Detroit metropolitan area provides information on their attitudes toward White Racial Ideology. Respondents were asked about their views on the role of government in addressing the needs of minorities and the poor in our nation such as: taxing the rich and big businesses more heavily than the working and middle class, and providing educational programs to poor and minorities. Other questions elicited respondent views on characteristics that some people associate with different groups. These characteristics included violence, laziness, being athletic, law-bidding, and intelligence. Additional items explored respondents' attitudes toward poverty and the cause of poverty in the society. Demographic variables include age, sex, race, education, marital status, number of children, political view, choice of neighborhood, length of time at present residence, religion, income, occupation, original nationality of husband's and wife's family, home ownership, social class identification, and length of residency in Detroit.

The Kinder Houston Area Survey is a longitudinal study that began in May 1982 after Houston, Texas, recovered from the recession of the mid-1980s. The overall purpose of this research was to measure systematically the public responses to the new economic, educational, and environmental challenges, and to make the findings of this continuing project readily available to civic and business leaders, to the general public, and to research scholars. Part 1, All Responses from 25 Successive Samples, contains all the responses from the successive representative samples of Harris County residents from 1982 through 2014. These are the data that enabled the project to analyze continuity and change among area residents over the course of 26 years. In 13 of the 14 surveys (the years from 1994 through 2014, the one exception being 1996), the surveys were expanded with oversample interviews in Houston's ethnic communities. Using identical random-selection procedures, and terminating after the first few questions if the respondent was not of the ethnic background required, additional interviews were conducted in each of the years to enlarge and equalize the samples of Anglo, African American, and Hispanic respondents at about 500 each. In 1995 and 2002, the research also included large representative samples (N=500) from Houston's Asian communities, with one-fourth of the interviews conducted in Vietnamese, Cantonese, Mandarin, or Korean -- the only such surveys in the country. These additional interviews are included in Part 2, Additional Oversample Interviews.

The data contained in Part 2 are for Restricted-Use of Part 1, All Responses from 25 Successive Samples.

The data contained in Part 3 are based on a 14-year total of 6,576 Anglos, 6,086 African Americans, 6,094 Hispanics, and 1,250 Asians, along with 387 others, and are of particular value in assessing the similarities and differences both within and among Houston's (and America's) four largest ethnic groups. Beginning in 2003, the data files have incorporated detailed information from the 2000 Census on the characteristics of the respondent's neighborhood, not only at the level of home ZIP code, but also by Census tract and block group.

In Part 4, Restricted-Use information from 2000 Census, the data record the population and geographical area of each of the three sectors, distributions by ethnicity and immigrant status, age and gender composition, employment and commuting patterns, and levels of education and income. With this information incorporated in the datasets covering five years of expanded surveys, researchers are able to connect the respondents' perceptions and experiences with information on the neighborhoods in which they live, thereby adding a contextual dimension to analyses of the factors that account for individual differences in attitudes and beliefs. Conducted during February and March of each year, the interviews measured perspectives on the local and national economy, on poverty programs, inter-ethnic relationships. Also captured were respondents' beliefs about discrimination and affirmative action, education, crime, health care, taxation, and community service, as well as their assessments of downtown development, mobility and transit, land-use controls and environmental concerns, and their attitudes toward abortion, homosexuality, and other aspects of the social agenda. Also recorded were religious and political orientations, as well as an array of demographic and immigration characteristics, socioeconomic indicators, and family structures.

The 2008 election offers a rare opportunity to analyze a significant event in American history - the election of the first African American president. Because the longitudinal panel series began in 2004, prior to the emergence of President Obama as a serious political candidate and nominee, the results from these surveys provide a rare vehicle for comparing data over time on important demographic, political, and, of particular interest given President Obama's racial background, racial and ethnic issues related to vote choice and political behavior. The wealth of data obtained from this survey will benefit scholars for many years to come.

This report provides a general overview of some of the key findings from the 2008 data collection. Topics covered include: demographic information of the population, work status, home ownership, political ideology, party identification, presidential choice, race relations, feeling thermometer data for a variety of political figures and relevant groups or organizations, and current events such as the Iraq War and same-sex marriage. Because differences among the racial and ethnic groups surveyed in this study are of political significance (Whites, African Americans, Hispanics, Asian Americans, and Caribbean Blacks), much of the data presented here is disaggregated by racial and ethnic group.

This Pew Research Center survey asked a nationally representative sample of 7,006 Asian American adults about their experiences living in, and views of, the United States. It covers topics such as racial and ethnic identity, religious identities and practices, policy priorities, discrimination and racism in America, affirmative action, global affairs, living with economic hardship and immigrant experiences.

The survey sampled U.S. adults who self-identify as Asian, either alone or in combination with other races or Hispanic ethnicity. It included oversamples of the Chinese, Filipino, Indian, Korean and Vietnamese populations. Respondents were drawn from a national sample of residential mailing addresses, which included addresses from all 50 states and the District of Columbia. Specialized surname list frames were used to supplement the sample. The survey was conducted on paper and web in six languages: Chinese (Simplified and Traditional), English, Hindi, Korean, Tagalog and Vietnamese. Responses were collected from July 5, 2022, to Jan. 27, 2023.