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Self-published

Colorblind Attitudes and Religious Fundamentalism as Predictors of Racial and General Campus Climate Perceptions (ICPSR 201249)

Released/updated on: 2024-04-26
We aimed to understand the underlying psychological climate factors influencing racial differences in college students’ campus climate perceptions. Based on Tranby and Hartmann’s (2008) analysis of the White evangelicals’ cultural “toolkit,” we posited that religious fundamentalism may predict these campus climate differences above and beyond race/ethnicity and colorblind attitudes. Results from a survey study of 2,101 undergraduate students attending a private Christian university demonstrated that students of color had significantly more negative perceptions of the campus climate than White students. A hierarchical regression analysis revealed that religious fundamentalism predicted perceptions of general and racial campus climate above and beyond colorblind attitudes (p< .001). These findings imply that some racial differences in campus climate perceptions may be rooted in colorblind attitudes and religious fundamentalism. Higher education administrators, especially in religiously conservative universities, may consider using religion as a tool to educate students on racial issues and combat negative biases.
Curated
Simple Crosstabs

The Attack on America and Civil Liberties Trade-Offs: A Three-Wave National Panel Survey, 2001-2004 (ICPSR 36371)

Released/updated on: 2017-10-13
Geographic coverage: United States
Time period: 2001-01-01--2004-12-31
The Attack on America and Civil Liberties Trade Offs survey is a three-wave national panel survey study that was designed to examine the relationship between fear of terrorism, trust in the government, and the willingness to exchange civil liberties for greater personal security and safety in the aftermath of the 2001 September 11 attacks. Respondents were asked about their opinions on the causes of terrorism against the United States, trust in the government, feelings about different groups of people, and various situations involving civil liberties. Demographic information collected include respondent age, gender, race, educational background, religion, and political affiliation.
Curated
Simple Crosstabs

Transatlantic Trends Survey, 2007 (ICPSR 28187)

Released/updated on: 2013-04-26
Geographic coverage: Romania, United States, United Kingdom, Portugal, Global, Spain, Netherlands, Turkey, Poland, Italy, Slovakia, France, Bulgaria, Germany
Time period: 2007-06-04--2007-06-23
The aim of the Transatlantic Trends Survey is to identify the attitudes of the public in the United States and in several European countries toward foreign policy issues and transatlantic issues. A project of the German Marshall Fund of the United States and the Compagnia di San Paolo (Italy), this survey has been conducted annually since 2003. The 2007 survey queried respondents on topics such as United States and European Union (EU) relations, leadership, security, and military operations, EU accession of Turkey, issues of concern with China, Iran, and Russia, attitudes toward certain countries, institutions, and people, economic versus military power, and the promotion of democracy in other countries. Several questions solicited views on politics and voting habits, including assessments of the current president of the United States and the upcoming presidential election, political party attachment and left-right political self-placement, voting intentions, whether respondents discussed political matters with friends, and whether they attempted to persuade others to share their views on politics. Demographic and other background information includes age, gender, race, religious affiliation, education, occupation, type of locality, region of residence, and prior travel to the United States or Europe.
Curated

Global Views 2008: American Public Opinion and Foreign Policy (ICPSR 26301)

Released/updated on: 2010-04-12
Geographic coverage: United States
Time period: 2008-01-01--2008-12-31
This study is part of a quadrennial series designed to investigate the opinions and attitudes of the general public on matters related to foreign policy, and to define the parameters of public opinion within which decision-makers must operate. This public opinion study of the United States focused on respondents' opinions of the United States leadership role in the world and the challenges the country faces internationally and is comprised of two parts, the July 2008 and the September 2008 surveys. In particular, the July 2008 survey covers United States foreign policy, globalization, trade and immigration, the rise of China, and the United States-Japan relationship. Regarding United States foreign policy, respondents were asked to give their views on whether the United States should take an active part in world affairs, threats to vital interests in the next ten years, foreign policy goals, treaties and agreements, the United Nations and the United Nations Security Council, conflict between Christians and Muslims, and combating terrorism. Additional questions included whether respondents favored the United States having military bases in other countries, their opinions about justifications for the use of United States troops abroad, the Iraq War, nuclear weapons and nuclear fuel, and participants' views on several countries and world organizations. Regarding globalization, trade, and immigration, respondents gave their opinions on whether globalization is good or bad for the United States, lowering trade barriers, the trade practices of various countries, the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA), economic competitiveness of the United States economy, and the future of United States power and the next generation of Americans. In addition, on the topic of globalization and immigration, queries included the importance of Asia and Europe, the pace of globalization, fairness of income distribution, foreign investments in American companies, the level of legal immigration into the United States and whether or not immigration is good. Concerning the rise of China, respondents were asked to compare the size and potential of the United States and China economies and their implications, loans between the countries, how to deal with China's increase in power, and whether China or Japan is more important to the United States. On the subject of the United States-Japan relationship, participants gave their opinions regarding the amending of Japan's constitution to allow for a wider range of military activities, Japan's development of nuclear weapons, and what factors contribute to Japan's global influence. Part 2, the September 2008 survey, commissioned to gauge whether any substantial changes in attitudes occurred due to the financial crisis, repeated a subset of questions from the July 2008 survey and focused on respondents' attitudes toward trade and globalization. Demographic and other background information includes age, race, gender, marital status, religious affiliation, political party affiliation, employment status, education, household composition, type of housing, state of residence, and access to the Internet.
Curated

Transatlantic Trends Survey, 2006 (ICPSR 20302)

Released/updated on: 2008-01-07
Geographic coverage: Romania, United States, Europe, United Kingdom, Portugal, Global, Spain, Netherlands, Turkey, Poland, Italy, Slovakia, France, Bulgaria, Germany
Time period: 2005-06-05--2006-06-24
This study sought opinions from respondents across Europe and the United States on various topics pertaining to foreign policy and international relations. The primary topics included: (1) the state of relations between the European Union (EU) and the United States, (2) the George W. Bush Administration's handling of global affairs, (3) the functioning of the European Union (EU), (4) the relevance of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), (5) general opinions on various countries, institutions, and population groups, (6) perception of potential international threats, (7) China as an emerging power, (8) Iran and its pursuit of nuclear weapons, (9) civil liberties and national security, (10) the compatibility of Islam and democracy, and (11) the role of the EU and the United States in establishing democracy. Respondents were asked about relations between the United States and Europe including whether it was desirable for the EU to exert strong leadership in the world, whether they were in favor of the United States exerting strong leadership in the world, whether relations between the United States and Europe had improved or gotten worse, and how relations between the United States and Europe regarding security and diplomatic affairs should evolve in the future. Respondents also were asked whether they approved or disapproved of the way George W. Bush was handling international policies. There were several questions that related to the functioning of the EU, such as (1) whether the EU should have its own foreign minister, (2) whether military or economic power is more important when dealing with international problems, (3) whether the EU should seek to strengthen its military power, (4) what effect Turkey's membership would have on the EU, and (5) how further enlargement would change the EU's role in world affairs and its ability to promote peace and democracy. Respondents were questioned about the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) and whether they believed NATO was still essential to their country's national security. Respondents were asked to give their opinions on the following countries, institutions, and population groups using a scale of 0 (very cold, unfavorable feeling) to 100 (very warm, favorable feeling): the United States, Russia, Israel, the European Union, Palestinians, Italy, Turkey, China, Iran, the United Kingdom, France, Germany, and Spain. Respondents were also asked about potential threats facing Europe and the United States such as international terrorism, the inflow of immigrants and refugees, Iran acquiring nuclear weapons, the spread of diseases like avian flu, a major economic downturn, global warming, the growing economic and military power of China, instability in Iraq, and Islamic fundamentalism. Respondents were then asked if they perceived these threats to be important in the next ten years. With respect to Iran, respondents were asked whether action should be taken to prevent it from obtaining nuclear weapons, what would be the best and worst options for preventing Iran from obtaining them, whether military action should be taken if diplomacy could not prevent Iran from obtaining them, and which country or organization was best suited for handling the issue of Iranian nuclear weapons. The survey contained a series of questions relating to national security and civil liberties. Opinions were sought on whether respondents would support the government taking actions such as monitoring phone calls, Internet communication, and banking transactions made by citizens, all in the name of preventing terrorism. Questions were also asked about Islam and democracy including whether the values of the two institutions were compatible or not, and if there were problems, whether they existed in Islam as a whole or just in certain Islamic groups. In addition, respondents were asked if the EU and the United States should help establish democracy in other countries, whether this help should be dependent on whether or not the countries would be more likely to oppose the EU and/or the United States, and whether the EU and United States should monitor elections in new democracies, support independent groups and political dissidents, impose political and/or economic sanctions, or intervene militarily in order to establish democracy. Finally, respondents were asked about their voting intentions for the next elections and what factors they took into consideration when deciding for which party to vote. The survey also included several questions aimed at obtaining demographic information such as gender, age, level of education, occupation, household size, region, and ethnicity.
Curated

Revivals in New York and Ohio, 1825-1835 (ICPSR 7754)

Released/updated on: 2007-07-23
Geographic coverage: United States, Ohio, New York (state)
Time period: 1825-01-01--1835-12-31
The dataset contains two files of data, one that describes characteristics of 1,952 religious revivals in New York State and one that describes characteristics of 431 religious revivals in Ohio, all conducted between 1825 and 1835. All extant issues of ten Protestant periodicals that contained data for the 10-year span studied were examined, and every report of a revival was noted. Variables in both data files pertain to the state, county, and town where the revival occurred, the name and sequence number for each source periodical, the year in which the revival occurred, the number of people involved, and the type of report. The values for "type of report" range from simply relating the occurrence of a revival to the number of people affected and how, such as: number who were anxious, number hopeful conversions, number on probation, number converted, number new church members admitted on examination, and number new church members.
Curated

Transatlantic Trends Survey, 2005 (ICPSR 4605)

Released/updated on: 2007-02-28
Geographic coverage: United States, Europe, United Kingdom, Portugal, Global, Spain, Netherlands, Turkey, Poland, Italy, Slovakia, France, Germany
Time period: 2005-05-30--2005-06-17
For this survey, opinions were sought from respondents across Europe and the United States on several topics of national and international interest. These topics included: (1) the European Union (EU) and the United States as superpowers, threats facing the global community, (2) the United Nations (UN), (3) the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO), (4) general opinions of various countries, institutions, and people, (5) actions taken by the George W. Bush Administration, (6) intervention policy, (7) Turkey's (potential) membership in the EU, (8) Iran's pursuit of nuclear weapons, (9) China's human rights record, and (10) political preferences and voter intentions. Regarding the EU and the United States as superpowers, respondents were asked whether it was desirable for the EU or the United States to exert strong leadership in the world, whether the EU or the United States or neither should be superpowers, if the motive for opposing the EU becoming a superpower was increased military expenditure, whether increased military expenditure was necessary for the EU to become a superpower, whether the EU should concentrate on becoming an economic power, and if a more powerful EU should cooperate with the United States. Respondents were asked about threats facing the world such as Islamic fundamentalism, immigration, international terrorism, global warming, the spread of diseases such as AIDS, a major economic downturn, and the spread of nuclear weapons, and whether they expected to be affected by any of them in the next ten years. With respect to the United Nations, respondents were asked their overall opinion of the UN, whether they believed UN involvement legitimized the use of military force, whether the UN could help manage the world's problems better than a single country could, and whether the UN helps to distribute the costs of international actions. Regarding the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), respondents were asked whether NATO could help share the United States military burden, whether NATO was an essential part of national security, if NATO involvement legitimized the use of military force, if NATO was dominated by the United States, and whether Europe should maintain a defensive alliance independent of the United States. Respondents were asked to give their opinions on the following countries, institutions, and population groups: the United States, Russia, Israel, the European Union, Palestinians, Italy, Turkey, China, Iran, the United Kingdom, France, Germany, and Spain. In regard to the Bush Administration, respondents were asked whether relations between the United States and Europe were better or worse, whether Bush's efforts to improve relations between the United States and Europe were successful, what the future of relations between the United States and Europe would be because of Bush's efforts, and whether or not Europe should be more independent from the United States with respect to issues of security and diplomacy. Respondents were also asked whether they approved of Bush's handling of international policies. With respect to intervention policy, the following questions were asked: should the EU help establish democracies, should the EU be involved in monitoring elections, would the respondent be in favor of the EU supporting trade unions, human rights associations, and religious groups in an effort to promote freedom, and should the EU support political dissidents and impose political and economic sanctions in opposition to an authoritarian regime. Respondents were asked several questions regarding Turkey's membership in the EU, including whether Turkey's membership in the EU could help promote peace and stability in the Middle East, if Turkey's membership in the EU would be good for the EU in economic terms, whether a predominately Muslim country belonged in the EU, if Turkey was too populous to become a member of the EU, and whether Turkey was too poor to be admitted into the EU. Respondents were also asked what they felt was the best way to put pressure on Iran in light of its attempts to acquire nuclear weapons and whether or not the EU should limit its relations with China due to China's human rights violations. Respondents were also asked about their voting intentions for the next elections and what factors they took into consideration when deciding for which party to vote. The dataset also includes several demographic variables such as gender, age, level of education, occupation, household size, region, and ethnicity (United States only).
Curated

ABC News/Washington Post Afghanistan Attack Poll #2, October 2001 (ICPSR 3299)

Released/updated on: 2001-10-31
Geographic coverage: United States
Time period: 2001-10-01--2001-10-31
This special topic poll, conducted October 8, 2001, was undertaken to assess respondents' reactions to and feelings about the United States military action in Afghanistan. Respondents were asked whether they approved of the way President Bush was handling the response to terrorist attacks in the United States, and whether they supported United States air strikes on Afghanistan and sending a significant number of United States ground troops into that country. Respondents were asked whether they believed that the United States government was doing all it reasonably could do to try to prevent further terrorist attacks and whether they supported United States military action against other countries supporting terrorism. Those polled expressed their level of concern about the possibility of further terrorist attacks (specifically biological and chemical) in America, and how confident they were in the abilities of the federal and local governments, police, and health agencies to respond effectively to a biological or chemical attack in the United States. A battery of questions focused on the Muslim religion and its believers, including whether respondents had a good basic understanding of Islam, how they viewed this religion, whether Arabs and Muslims had positive or negative opinions about the United States and reasons for these opinions, whether they thought the terrorists who attacked the United States in September were close in their views to the mainstream teachings of Islam, and whether they knew anyone who was a Muslim. Respondents also gave their opinions on whether the United States was doing enough to improve its image among Arabs and Muslims. Another subject of this survey was the Middle East. Those polled commented on whether they had more sympathy for Israel or for the Palestinian Authority, whether the United States should increase support for Israel or decrease support for Israel and recognize Palestine as an independent nation, and what was more important at this time--United States relations with Israel or with the Arab nations. Additional questions focused on the possibility of a broader war between the United States and its allies on one side and Arabs and Muslims on the other side, the efforts of the United States to avoid a broader war, and racial profiling and social consent for racial profiling as a tool against terrorism. Background information on respondents includes age, gender, race, Hispanic origin, religion, political party affiliation, political orientation, education, and objective size of community.
Curated

America's Radical Right, 1962 (ICPSR 7273)

Released/updated on: 1992-02-16
Geographic coverage: San Francisco, United States, California
Time period: 1962-01-01--1962-12-31
This study investigated the attitudes, political behavior, and demographic characteristics of 307 supporters of the "radical right", selected among the approximately 2,000 attendants of the "San Francisco Bay Region School of Anti-Communism" held by the Christian Anti-Communism Crusade in Oakland, California, from January 29- February 2, 1962. Information was collected by personal interviews (94) and mail questionnaires (214), with most questions taken from the American National Election Studies (see AMERICAN NATIONAL ELECTION STUDIES CUMULATIVE DATA FILE, 1948-1998 [ICPSR 8475]), Samuel Stouffer's COMMUNISM, CONFORMITY, AND CIVIL LIBERTIES STUDY, 1954 (ICPSR 7202), and Martin Trow's study of attitudes toward Senator Joseph McCarthy in Bennington, Vermont. The study also contains a number of derived variables assessing political activity, "internal communism", intolerance, socioeconomic and foreign policy conservatism, and occupational mobility. Demographic data include age, sex, level of education, religious denomination, place of birth, and gross family income.
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