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Momentum toward removing school-based law enforcement (SBLE) has increased since the summer of 2020. This change has occurred due to issues of equity with the hope that removing SBLE will reduce existing racial and ethnic disparities in the criminal justice system. SBLE refers to sworn law enforcement stationed in schools on either a part- or full-time basis. Some SBLE are known as school resource officers, who often receive special training in juvenile law and interacting with students in schools, although this varies from state to state. Other SBLE do not receive any special training in working with young people.

Although the move toward removing SBLE may have intuitive appeal to some school districts, no empirical evidence exists regarding what happens to students' frequency of contact with the criminal justice system after schools remove SBLE. Similarly, current research has not examined the impacts on the attendant racial and ethnic disparities.

All the data used in this study are secondary data from the National Center for Education Statistics (NCES), including both the publicly available Civil Rights Data Collection (CRDC) and the restricted-use School Survey on Crime and Safety (SSOCS). All data cleaning, manipulation, and analysis will be done using syntax files in Stata. This study is a collection of these three Stata .do syntax files.

This study compared changes in three measures of criminal justice contact (i.e., arrests, referrals to law enforcement, and crimes reported to police) in schools that removed SBLE relative to the changes in schools that did not remove SBLE. The study examined within-school racial and ethnic differences in rates of arrest and referrals to law enforcement, and between-school differences in all three measures of criminal justice system contact by school racial composition.

These data are part of NACJD's Fast Track Release and are distributed as they were received from the data depositor. The files have been zipped by NACJD for release, but not checked or processed except for the removal of direct identifiers. Users should refer to the accompanying readme file for a brief description of the files available with this collection and consult the investigator(s) if further information is needed.

This project sought to study the District Attorney of New York's (DANY) current practices by addressing the complex relationship between prosecutorial decision making and racial and ethnic justice in felony and misdemeanor cases closed in New York County in 2010-2011. Using a mixed-methods approach, administrative records from the DANY case-management systems and prosecutorial interviews were examined to study case acceptance for prosecution, pretrial detention and bail determination, case dismissal, plea offers, and sentencing. Researchers developed five hypotheses for the data collected:

1. Blacks and Latinos are more likely to have their cases accepted for prosecution than similarly situated white defendants.
2. Blacks and Latinos are more likely to be held in pretrial detention and less likely to be released on bail.
3. Blacks and Latinos are less likely to have cases dismissed.
4. Blacks and Latinos are less likely to receive a plea offer to a lesser charge and more likely to receive custodial sentence offers.
5. Blacks and Latinos are more likely to be sentenced to custodial punishments.

All criminal activity of the defendant was examined, as well as their demographics and prior history, the location of the crime. Information on the Assistant District Attorney (ADA) was examined as well, including their demographics and caseload in order to more thoroughly understand the catalysts and trends in decision making.

In spring 2016, scholars were invited to collaborate on the 2016 Collaborative Multi-Racial Post-election Survey (CMPS). The goal of the project was to create the first cooperative, 100% user content driven, multi-racial, multiethnic, multi-lingual, post-election online survey in race, ethnicity and politics (REP) in the United States. The survey's main focus is on attitudes about the 2016 election and candidates, debates over immigration, policing, and racial equality, and experiences with racial discrimination across many facets of American life.

Questions were user-generated from a team of 86 social scientists across 55 different universities who placed questions on the survey. Users could submit questions for just one single racial group, or common questions across all four racial groups, depending on their interest. In cases where two different users submitted very similar questions the PIs worked to create a single common question. Overall, the survey contains 394 questions.

The restricted-use dataset contains geographical information which has been masked in the public-use dataset along with adjustments to date information. Please refer to the Collection Notes in the SCOPE OF PROJECT section for more information.

In spring 2020, scholars were invited to collaborate on the 2020 Collaborative Multi-Racial Post-election Survey (CMPS). The goal of the project was to build upon the 2016 CMPS which was the first cooperative, 100% user content driven, multi-racial, multi-ethnic, multi-lingual, post-election online survey in Race, Ethnicity and Politics (REP) in the United States. The survey's main focus is on attitudes about the 2020 Election and candidates, experiences with racism, policy attitudes, immigration, and personal experiences with civic engagement across many facets of American life.

This 2020 CMPS includes over 200 scholars across nearly 100 different colleges/universities. Survey questions were user-generated. Users who contributed survey content could submit questions for just one single racial group, or common questions across all racial/ethnic, or oversample groups, depending on their interest. In cases where two different users submitted very similar questions the PIs worked to create a single common question. Overall, the survey contained over 800 unique questions including split samples, branch-items, and group-specific questions, and the average respondent completed over 500 items.

The 2020 CMPS was offered in English, Spanish, Chinese (simplified), Chinese (traditional), Korean, Vietnamese, Arabic, Urdu, Farsi and Haitian Creole. The survey dataset includes Black, White, Latino and Asian respondents as well as additional oversamples of respondents from hard-to-reach populations including, Afro-Latinos, Black immigrants, Native Americans, Native Hawaiians, Muslims and people who identify as LGBTQ.

This study sampled Black households within the city of Detroit in the spring and summer of 1968 and interviewed the head of household or spouse of the head of household. The study examined contact between Blacks and Whites and the views of Blacks regarding Black militancy, community control, Black consciousness, and anti-White sentiments. Questions included in the interview determined the number and type of contacts respondents had with whites, the respondents' attitudes toward child-rearing, and political activities at neighborhood churches. Perceptions of various local problems were probed, including the effects of the 1967 Detroit riots. Respondents were also asked about the best means for Blacks to gain their rights and reasons for the high unemployment rate in Detroit. Other topics covered respondents' experiences with and awareness of racial discrimination in the areas of housing, local police activities, business relations, and job opportunities. Background information on respondents includes age, sex, race, marital status, religious affiliation, and church activities. The respondent's residence up to age 10, length of residence in Detroit and in their current neighborhood, and the racial composition of the neighborhood were ascertained. Respondent's educational level, the racial composition of schools the respondent attended, and respondent's service in the military were also recorded. Other demographic information was gathered regarding the number of adults and children living in the household, as well as the number of rooms in the house, family income, and income sources. The respondent was also asked about the educational levels and occupations of other family members.

This survey explored the ways in which social influences, such as stress and racism, affected health, and the impact these influences had on the respondents' outlook on life. Respondents were questioned about their health status and their exercise, smoking, sleeping, and dieting habits, as well as about diagnosed health problems and depression and their effects on daily activities. Respondents were also asked a series of questions regarding their employment status, type of job and whether it was a supervisory position, the racial makeup of their workgroup, their perceptions of their position and job, the likelihood of their finding another job, hassles experienced while at work, and whether they had any trouble balancing family and work. Another series of questions asked respondents whether they had been a victim of a serious physical attack or assault, robbery, or home burglary, if they had ever been unfairly searched, stopped, or questioned by police, why they felt they had been treated this way, and if they felt they had ever been treated unfairly by a teacher, landlord, or neighbor. Opinions were also solicited on the respondents' experience with depression and anxiety. Respondents were asked whether they felt it was possible to reach their goals, how satisfied they were with their present situation, how often they felt depressed and how long this feeling lasted, whether they lost weight or sleep due to this feeling, how this feeling of depression made them view themselves, how often and how long they were worried about things that were not likely to happen, how often they worried about non-serious things, and how they felt physically when they were anxious or depressed. Another set of questions queried respondents on alcohol and drug use. Respondents were asked how often they drank alcohol, the most they had to drink at one time, whether they had experienced any addiction to alcohol or experienced any emotional or psychological problems associated with drinking, whether they had any problem controlling their drinking, whether they had used drugs outside of a doctor's order, what types of drugs they had used, how often and in what type of situations they had used these drugs, and whether they had any addiction to the drugs. Respondents were also asked whether they had a regular doctor, whether they went to a doctor's office or clinic to seek medical attention, the last time they had gone for a checkup, how they were treated by staff at the visit, whether they trusted their doctor, the reasons why they did or did not receive medical attention, and whether they had health insurance. Respondents were also asked for their perceptions of differences between Blacks and whites, attitudes toward affirmative action with regard to employment, and their attitude toward interracial relationships. Another battery of questions queried respondents on any fears or phobias they had, such as a fear of animals, water, or visiting a doctor or dentist. Questions focused on the severity of these fears, how long they had had these fears, and how much these fears interfered in daily activities. A final set of questions gathered demographic information on respondents such as highest level of education completed, political affiliation, religious affiliation, level of religious participation, importance of religion, birth date, whether they owned their own home or rented, how much they spent on food each week, total family income for the year 1994, and the height and weight of respondents.

This project seeks to identify sources of ethnic and racial conflict and protest in urban America from 1954 through 1992. The data on collective events are coded using The New York Times. Detailed coding rules produced a chronological dataset that allows researchers to:

1. Analyze the location and timing of both conflicts (confrontations between two or more ethnic populations) and protests (marches, mass meetings, demonstrations on behalf of one ethnic group, expressing grievances related to discrimination or racial policy).

2. Specifically analyze a type of protest (e.g., civil rights movement activity, or urban race riots) and the potential dynamic relationship of different types of protests and conflicts.

3. Identify any ethnic, nationality, or racial characteristics of participants who were the targets and/or instigators of each protest and conflict.

4. Analyze information on each event's location, size, targets, police presence, arrests, damage or injuries, and the content of claims directed against government authorities, police, and other groups.

These data are part of NACJD's Fast Track Release and are distributed as they were received from the data depositor. The files have been zipped by NACJD for release, but not checked or processed except for the removal of direct identifiers. Users should refer to the accompanying readme file for a brief description of the files available with this collection and consult the investigator(s) if further information is needed.

This research sought to analyze the length of time served by state prisoners in Michigan from 1985 to 2008. It was conducted to address research that showed Michigan had the longest prison stays in the United States of America, the substantial impact that time served had upon state prison populations, and to assess the effect of parole and sentencing policy on time-served. The research utilized National Corrections Reporting Program (NCRP) data available through the National Archive of Criminal Justice Data (NACJD) in order to build upon past-research and contribute to the understanding of state-specific patterns and trends across offenses and racial groups.

In order to address policy effects upon time served, the purpose of this study was to contextualize patterns of time served across 20 years within the parole and sentencing policy changes in Michigan; the impact of reforms in 1999 were of particular focus.

There are no data files available with this study. Only syntax files used by the researcher(s) are provided.

This catalog record includes detailed variable-level descriptions, enabling data discovery and comparison. The data are not archived at ICPSR. Users should consult the data owners (via the Roper Center for Public Opinion Research) directly for details on obtaining the data.

This collection includes variable-level metadata of Quality of Health Care, a survey from the Harvard School of Public Health and the Robert Wood Johnson Foundation conducted by Social Science Research Solutions (SSRS). Topics covered in this survey include:

• Grading aspects of health care
• Value of health care versus cost
• Quality of care among local hospitals
• Familiar hospital versus higher-quality hospital
• Familiar surgeon versus higher-rated surgeon
• African Americans and health care quality
• Latinos and health care quality

The data and documentation files for this survey are available through the Roper Center for Public Opinion Research [Roper #31092346]. Frequencies and summary statistics for the 64 variables from this survey are available through the ICPSR social science variable database and can be accessed from the Variables tab.

The Longitudinal Examination of Victimization Experiences of Latinos (LEVEL) study surveyed Latino adults from four major cities across the United States to evaluate the past-year incidence and prevalence of bias or hate motivated victimization. This study is a follow-up to the Understanding and Measuring Bias Victimization Against Latinos study, ICPSR 37598, that was conducted in 2018-2019. The hope of this follow-up study, in conjunction with the original study "Wave 1", is to provide greater context into bias victimization by breaking apart the diverse nature of Latinx communities in regards to immigration status, language use, origin, acculturation, and enculturation.

The 2008 election offers a rare opportunity to analyze a significant event in American history - the election of the first African American president. Because the longitudinal panel series began in 2004, prior to the emergence of President Obama as a serious political candidate and nominee, the results from these surveys provide a rare vehicle for comparing data over time on important demographic, political, and, of particular interest given President Obama's racial background, racial and ethnic issues related to vote choice and political behavior. The wealth of data obtained from this survey will benefit scholars for many years to come.

This report provides a general overview of some of the key findings from the 2008 data collection. Topics covered include: demographic information of the population, work status, home ownership, political ideology, party identification, presidential choice, race relations, feeling thermometer data for a variety of political figures and relevant groups or organizations, and current events such as the Iraq War and same-sex marriage. Because differences among the racial and ethnic groups surveyed in this study are of political significance (Whites, African Americans, Hispanics, Asian Americans, and Caribbean Blacks), much of the data presented here is disaggregated by racial and ethnic group.