Showing 1 – 36 of 36 results.
Curated
Simple Crosstabs
Afrobarometer Round 4.5.1: The Quality of Democracy and Governance in Uganda, 2010 (ICPSR 36211)
Released/updated on: 2016-03-31
Geographic coverage: Africa, Uganda, Global
The Afrobarometer project was designed to collect and disseminate information regarding Africans' views on democracy, governance, economic reform, civil society, and quality of life. This particular data collection was concerned with the attitudes and opinions of the citizens of Uganda. Respondents in a face-to-face interview were asked to rate their president and the president's administration in overall performance, to state the most important issues facing their nation, and to evaluate the effectiveness of certain continental and international institutions. Opinions were gathered on political parties, the role of the government in improving the economy, whether corruption existed in local and national government, whether government officials were responsive to problems of the general population, and whether local government officials, the police, the courts, the overall criminal justice system, and the electoral commission could be trusted. Additionally, respondents were polled about upcoming and past elections, the fairness and legality of elections, election outcomes, and threats, bribes and violence related to campaigns and elections. Economic questions addressed the past, present, and future of the country's and the respondents' living conditions. Demographic variables include age, gender, ethnicity, education, religious affiliation, language spoke most at home, whether the respondent was the head of the household, current and past employment status, and language used in interview.
Curated
Simple Crosstabs
Afrobarometer Round 4.5.2: The Quality of Democracy and Governance in Uganda, 2011 (ICPSR 36212)
Released/updated on: 2016-02-05
Geographic coverage: Africa, Uganda, Global
The Afrobarometer project was designed to collect and disseminate information regarding Africans' views on democracy, governance, economic reform, civil society, and quality of life. This particular data collection was concerned with the attitudes and opinions of the citizens of Uganda. Respondents in a face-to-face interview were asked to evaluate the election transparency, to state the most important issues facing their nation, and to evaluate the effectiveness of certain continental and international institutions. Opinions were gathered on the role of the government in improving the economy, whether corruption existed in local and national government, whether government officials were responsive to problems of the general population, and whether local government officials, the police, the courts, the overall criminal justice system, and the National Electoral Commission could be trusted. Additionally, respondents were polled about their political involvement and opinions on controversial topics. Economic questions addressed the past, present, and future of the country's and the respondents' living conditions. Background variables include age, gender, ethnicity, education, religious affiliation, language spoken most at home, and language used in interview. In addition, the interviewer's gender, race, and education level are provided.
Curated
Simple Crosstabs
Afrobarometer Round 5: The Quality of Democracy and Governance in Ghana, 2012 (ICPSR 35548)
Released/updated on: 2015-03-02
Geographic coverage: Africa, Ghana, Global, Sub-Saharan Africa
Time period: 2012-05-08--2012-05-27
The Afrobarometer is a comparative series of public attitude surveys that collects and disseminates data regarding Africans' views on democracy, governance, the economy, civil society, and related issues. The data are collected from nationally representative samples in face-to-face interviews in the language of the respondent's choice. Standard topics for the Afrobarometer include attitudes toward and evaluations of democracy, governance and economic conditions, political participation, national identity, and social capital. In addition, Round 5 surveys included special modules on taxation; gender issues; crime, conflict and insecurity; globalization; and social service delivery. The surveys also collect a large set of socio-demographic indicators such as age, gender, education level, poverty level, language and ethnicity, and religious affiliation, as well as political party affiliation. Afrobarometer Round 5 surveys were implemented in 35 countries. This particular data collection was concerned with the attitudes and opinions of the citizens of Ghana, and also includes a number of "country-specific questions," many of which are oil-related, designed specifically for the Ghana survey.
Curated
Simple Crosstabs
Afrobarometer Round 5: The Quality of Democracy and Governance in Liberia, 2012 (ICPSR 35552)
Released/updated on: 2015-03-12
Geographic coverage: Liberia, Africa, Global, Sub-Saharan Africa
Time period: 2012-06-25--2012-07-25
The Afrobarometer is a comparative series of public attitude surveys that collects and disseminates data regarding Africans' views on democracy, governance, the economy, civil society, and related issues. This particular data collection was concerned with the attitudes and opinions of the citizens of Liberia, and includes a number of questions related to campaigns, conflict, resolution, and other "country-specific topics" designed specifically for the Liberia survey. The data are collected from nationally representative samples in face-to-face interviews in the language of the respondent's choice. Standard topics for the Afrobarometer include attitudes toward and evaluations of democracy, governance and economic conditions, political participation, national identity, and social capital. In addition, Round 5 surveys included special modules on taxation; gender issues; crime, conflict and insecurity; globalization; and social service delivery. The surveys also collect a large set of socio-demographic indicators such as age, gender, education level, poverty level, language and ethnicity, and religious affiliation, as well as political party affiliation. Afrobarometer Round 5 surveys were implemented in 35 countries.
Curated
American Citizen Participation Study Follow-Up: Singles and Couples Data, Fall 1993-Winter 1994 (ICPSR 23561)
Released/updated on: 2010-03-11
Geographic coverage: United States
Time period: 1993-01-01--1994-01-01
This study is the third wave of the American Citizen Participation Study and was designed to examine gender differences in political and nonpolitical civic participation in the United States, in particular to examine differences between husbands and wives. Respondents were asked to provide information on numerous topics such as their interest in politics, their party identification, voting status, activity in community politics, and campaign activities. Respondents also provided information about family characteristics and household matters. This study includes two data files, the singles and the couples data files. The singles data file consists of 580 respondents. The couples data file consists of the responses of all of the individuals in the third wave who were married as well as the responses of their partners. This data file has responses from 376 couples (752 individuals). Demographic variables measured in this study include respondent's educational background, occupation, church activity and religious affiliation, race and ethnicity, age, gender, union membership, marital status, political party affiliation, voter registration status and participation history, and employment status.
Curated
American National Election Studies (ANES) Panel Study, 2008-2009 (ICPSR 29182)
Released/updated on: 2011-04-28
Geographic coverage: United States
Time period: 2008-01-01--2009-01-01
The 2008-2009 ANES Panel Study is a telephone-recruited Internet panel with two cohorts recruited using nearly identical methods. The first cohort was recruited in late 2007 using random-digit-dialing (RDD) methods common to telephone surveys. Prospective respondents were offered $10 per month to complete surveys on the Internet each month for 21 months, from January 2008 through September 2009. Those without a computer and Internet service were offered a free web appliance, MSN TV 2, and free Internet service for the duration of the study. The second cohort was recruited the same way in the summer of 2008 and asked to join the panel beginning in September 2008. The recruitment interview was conducted by telephone in nearly all cases. A small number of respondents completed the recruitment survey on the Internet after failing to complete a telephone interview. Before the first monthly survey, most respondents also completed an online profile survey consisting primarily of demographic questions.
To minimize panel attrition and conditioning effects, only 7 of the 21 monthly surveys are about politics. Other surveys are about a variety of non-political topics. The panelists answered political questions prepared by ANES in January, February, June, September, October, and November 2008. With certainty, the panel answered more political questions in May 2009.
Note that the 2008-2009 ANES Panel Study is entirely separate from the 2008 ANES Time Series study, which was conducted using the traditional ANES method of face-to-face interviews before and after the 2008 election. Although there are a few questions common to both studies, the samples and methods are different. For further details, see the User Guide. Complete documentation is available on the ANES Web site.
Curated
British General Election Panel Survey, 1992-1997 (ICPSR 2616)
Released/updated on: 1999-01-21
Geographic coverage: Great Britain, United Kingdom, Global
The 1992-1997 British Election Panel Survey contacted a sample of registered British electors a total of eight times, the first wave being just after the April 1992 general election and the final wave just after the May 1997 general election. The aim of the study was to investigate individual-level stability and change in political attitudes, economic and social circumstances, and voting behavior over the lifetime of the 1992-1997 Parliament. A wave of data collection was carried out each spring, immediately following the general elections (1992, 1997), local government elections (1993, 1995, 1996), and European Parliament elections (1994). In addition, there were two autumn waves, in 1995 and 1996, both following the party conference season.
Curated
British General Election Study: Ethnic Minority Survey, 1997 (ICPSR 2618)
Released/updated on: 2000-01-18
Geographic coverage: Great Britain, United Kingdom, Global
The 705 respondents to the Ethnic Minority Survey are a subset of the BRITISH GENERAL ELECTION CROSS-SECTION SURVEY, 1997 (ICPSR 2615) with an ethnic boost generated by a random screening survey. Eligible ethnic minority respondents for this survey were those who considered themselves to be Black, Indian, Pakistani, or Bangladeshi. The aims of this survey were (1) to measure the extent to which ethnic minority voters are integrated into the electoral process, (2) to evaluate, after taking into account social background, whether members of the main ethnic minorities vote differently from each other and from their white counterparts, (3) to examine whether the political attitudes of ethnic minority voters differ significantly from those of white voters, and (4) to explore whether members of ethnic minorities are influenced by different considerations than their white counterparts in deciding how to vote, and to evaluate in particular the importance of issues of race and immigration in voting behavior of ethnic minority and white voters. Fieldwork was conducted between May 1, 1997, the day of the 1997 British general election, and August 1997. Respondents were asked for their opinions on the existence of prejudice against them, recent improvements in Britain for minorities, the role of the government in improving conditions for minorities, the effectiveness of laws against racial discrimination and racial violence, school programs tailored for minority students, Britain's blasphemy law, state funding of religious schools, the stances of British political parties toward minorities, and the presence of minority figures in British politics. Additionally, topics covered in the Cross-Section Survey include the 1997 election campaign, participation in 1997 local elections, political knowledge, trust in government, images of British leadership, and views on British political parties, the European Union, Northern Ireland, nuclear weapons, unemployment, inflation, nationalization and privatization of companies, redistribution of income, women's rights, the role of government in social policy, abortion, ethnic minorities, the British economy, and the future of governmental institutions such as the House of Lords. Background information on respondents includes age, sex, race, ethnicity, political party, political orientation, marital status, number of members in household, social class, employment history, health insurance status, citizenship, country of birth, voter registration and participation history, household income, education, religion, parents' employment history, parents' voting behavior, spouse's employment history, and union membership.
Curated
Campaign Finance in Local Elections: An Eleven City Study, 1989-2007 [United States] (ICPSR 25801)
Released/updated on: 2010-06-10
Geographic coverage: Sacramento, Seattle, United States, Chicago, Kentucky, Louisville, California, Florida, New York (state), Washington, Lexington, Miami, New York City, San Francisco, Illinois, Long Beach, Los Angeles, Tampa
Time period: 1989-01-01--2007-01-01
This study contains campaign finance data for candidates in local elections held from 1989 to 2007 in the following cities: New York City (NY), Los Angeles (CA), Chicago (IL), San Francisco (CA), Seattle (WA), Miami (FL), Tampa (FL), Lexington (KY), Louisville (KY), Sacramento (CA), and Long Beach (CA). Data were also collected for the counties Hillsborough County/Tampa (FL) and Miami-Dade (FL). The study includes data on funds raised and spent, as well as candidate data and election returns, and both mayoral and city council races. Information was also collected on the size of the population of the candidates jurisdiction, the amount of political contributions and committee expenditures, whether the election was held in a publicly-funded city, and the outcome of the election. Demographic variables include candidate's sex, race, political party, education, and occupation.
Curated
Electoral and Demographic Data, 1848-1876: Massachusetts (ICPSR 8242)
Released/updated on: 2009-11-20
Geographic coverage: United States, Massachusetts
Time period: 1848-01-01--1876-01-01
This data collection contains electoral and demographic data for Massachusetts counties and cities during 1848-1876. The data for this collection were compiled to study electoral changes in Massachusetts politics during the Civil War period and to link the changes to socioeconomic determinants of support for the Republican and Democratic parties. Specific variables include number of voters for specific years and demographic information such as number of males and females and number of males employed in certain trades. Electoral data consists of election results.
Curated
Governmental Units Analysis Data (ICPSR 28)
Released/updated on: 1992-02-16
Geographic coverage: Mississippi, Montana, United States, Wyoming, New Mexico, Oklahoma, Louisiana, Florida, Maryland, South Carolina, Idaho
This data collection provides information on the demographic, social, economic, political, and civil characteristics of selected municipalities with populations of 25,000 or more in the United States during the 1960s. Information is provided on population characteristics, such as the number of native-born persons residing in the state of birth, percentage of persons aged 5 years and older who were migrants, percentages in 1962 of non-white, foreign-born, and native-born populations of foreign or racially mixed parentage, median school years completed by those aged 25 years and older, percentage of elementary school children in private school, median income of families, number of full-time city employees per 1,000 population, percentage of civilian labor force that was unemployed in 1960, percentage of employed persons in white-collar occupations and in manufacturing industries, and percentage of the employed civilian labor force that was professional and that were managers, officials, and proprietors. Other variables provide information on city characteristics, such as the age of the city, the presence of dormitory city, balanced city, central city, independent city, and the suburbs, the density of population per square mile, the employment-residence ratio, the presence or absence of application for the Model Cities Program, and the number of applications for, and whether the city was a winner of, the All-American City award between 1952 and 1967. Further variables detail information on the city housing situation, such as the number of dwelling units built in 1929 or earlier, the number of dilapidated dwellings, the presence or absence of a local housing authority and jurisdiction of local housing authority, participation in programs of the United States Housing Act of 1937 (Public Law 412), the presence or absence of a low-rent housing program and of slum clearance, and the number of low-rent housing units per 100,000 population. Additional variables give information on city politics, including the presence of mayor-council government, city-manager government, and nonpartisan elections, the number of city councilmen, the percentage of city council elected at large, the percentage of the county presidential vote for the Democratic party and for the Republican party in 1960, and the numbers of registered voters. Other items cover city services and programs, such as the presence or absence of poverty programs, the number of dollars per capita for poverty programs as of June 30, 1966, the presence or absence of urban renewal programs and their execution or completion as of June 30, 1966, the current per capita amount raised for Community Chest, and the presence or absence of action on fluoridation of city water. There are also variables that identify a subset of cities for urban renewal analysis, Community Chest analysis, analysis of fluoridation decisions, and analysis of decisions about public housing.
Self-published
High Turnover with Low Accountability: Local School Board Elections in 16 States (ICPSR 229162)
Released/updated on: 2025-05-10
Geographic coverage: United States
We analyze the most comprehensive dataset on U.S. school board elections. We find that nearly half of races go uncontested and that incumbents are reelected more than 80 percent of the time when they run. Because many incumbents retire instead of running for another term, however, turnover is high (with 53 percent of incumbents replaced in a typical election cycle). School board turnover is also only weakly related to student learning rates. These dynamics--high turnover disconnected from school performance challenges--occur across both urban and non-urban districts, regardless of student demographics and local media environments. Together, these results suggest that local democracy produces high leadership churn and minimal incentives to improve student learning, two findings that can inform debates regarding the benefits and costs of local democratic governance.
Curated
Local and Regional Elections: Tokyo, Japan, 1963 (ICPSR 7073)
Released/updated on: 2010-11-22
Geographic coverage: Tokyo, Japan, Global
This study was conducted in Japan in 1963 with respondents from the metropolitan Tokyo area, the five largest cities in Japan, other smaller cities, and Japanese towns and villages. The study investigated Japanese awareness of four different types of recently held elections: gubernatorial, prefectural assembly, mayoral, and city (ward, town, or village) assembly. Respondents' voting patterns were ascertained, as well as factors that had influenced their votes. Further questions probed awareness of the election campaigns through official campaign bulletins, speeches, radio and television broadcasts, and newspaper advertisements. Respondents' knowledge of the candidates for whom they had voted was also explored. A final section of the study posed questions about politics in general, including respondents' awareness of bribery, collusion, or violation of election laws, and their opinions of the trend toward party-affiliated, rather than independent, candidates in local politics. Demographic data include respondents' occupations.
Curated
New York Times New York City Poll #2, October 2001 (ICPSR 3374)
Released/updated on: 2009-04-29
Geographic coverage: New York City, United States
This special topic poll, fielded October 27-31, 2001, was designed to assess respondents' views regarding the September 11, 2001, terrorist attacks on New York City and the upcoming New York City mayoral election. New York City residents were asked to give their opinions of New York City mayor Rudolph Giuliani and Reverend Al Sharpton, as well as their opinions of mayoral candidates Michael Bloomberg (Republican) and Mark Green (Democrat). Regarding the mayoral race, respondents were asked how much attention they were paying to the upcoming election, for whom they would vote, whether that decision was firm, and whether they would vote for Giuliani if he were permitted to run for a third term. Regardless of how they intended to vote, respondents were asked who they thought was going to win the mayoral election in November 2001. Those queried were asked to compare the two candidates in terms of experience, political ideology, leadership qualities, and whether they had spent their campaigns explaining their platforms or attacking the opposition. Respondents were asked to identify the long-range issues facing New York City and to indicate which were the most important. Their views were also sought on the state of the New York City economy, their level of satisfaction with the quality of public schools in the city, and whether the Board of Education should increase teachers' salaries or hire new teachers. Additional questions regarding the election included how New York City residents felt about getting a new mayor, whether Giuliani should leave office as scheduled, extend his current term by three months, or be allowed to run for office again, whether the new mayor should have city government experience or bring a fresh approach to the office, how respondents felt about campaign financing, and whether Green and/or Fernando Ferrer ran a racially divided campaign during the Democratic run-off. A series of questions addressed respondents' reactions to and feelings about the recent terrorist attacks on the city. Topics covered whether respondents' daily routines had returned to normal, whether they were concerned about another terrorist attack on the city, whether they were concerned about exposure to anthrax, whether there were any places that they were less comfortable going to, whether there were any places that they were going to more often, and whether the financial district should still be concentrated in downtown Manhattan or moved elsewhere. Opinions were also gathered about the appropriate penalty for persons convicted of murder and the appropriate penalty for persons convicted of murder connected with terrorism. Background information on respondents includes age, gender, political party, political orientation, voter registration and participation history, marital status, age of children in household, whether respondents' children attended private or public school, education, the importance of religion, religion, race, Hispanic descent, borough of residence, years in community, and household income.
Curated
New York Times New York City Poll, August 2004 (ICPSR 4156)
Released/updated on: 2005-02-18
Geographic coverage: New York City, United States, New York (state)
This poll is part of a continuing series of monthly surveys that solicit public opinion on the presidency and on a range of other political and social issues. Respondents were asked to give their opinions of New York City, with specific respect to Mayor Michael Bloomberg's handling of New York City-specific events and issues (e.g., the city's recovery efforts following the terrorist attacks on the World Trade Center and getting help from the national government for New York City). Opinions on other national figures -- e.g., George W. Bush, Rudolph Giuliani, John McCain, and Arnold Schwarzenegger -- were solicited as well. Additional survey questions queried respondents' feelings about New York City (e.g., quality of life, the economy, others' image of the city, and security), the Republican National Convention to be held in the city, and post-9/11 changes they had experienced (e.g., losing sleep, losing a job, or losing a close friend or relative). Background information includes voter registration status, political party affiliation, New York City borough of residence, sex, education, age, marital status, ethnicity, and income.
Curated
New York Times New York City Poll, August 2005 (ICPSR 4400)
Released/updated on: 2007-04-26
Geographic coverage: New York City, United States, New York (state)
This poll, fielded August 22-28, 2005, is part of a continuing series of monthly surveys that solicit public opinion on the current presidency and on a range of other political and social issues. The focus of this survey was the 2005 New York City mayoral race. Residents of the city were asked to give their opinions of the candidates running for mayor and how those candidates would deal with various issues. Their opinions were also sought about the New York City school system. The candidates mentioned in the survey included current Mayor Michael Bloomberg, Fernando Ferrer, Virginia Fields, Gifford Miller, and Anthony Weiner. A series of questions asked the respondents to give their opinion on the subject of the World Trade Center site, whether Mayor Bloomberg or Governor George Pataki was more responsible for the redevelopment of this site, and if they thought the efforts to redevelop the site were going too quickly, too slowly, or just the right pace. Respondents were also asked to rate the New York City economy and if they thought it was getting better or worse. Questions respondents were asked concerning New York City schools included whether they were satisfied with the public school system, what type of school the respondents' children attended, and their opinion regarding the amount of influence the Bloomberg administration had had on the improvement of test scores in the New York public schools. Respondents were asked to compare neighborhood safety at the time of the survey to that of four years previously, what their opinion was on race relations in the New York City area, and if they approved or disapproved of the way Mayor Bloomberg was handling the redevelopment of downtown Manhattan. Other general topics included the economy, crime, security, and public transportation. Demographic variables include age, sex, race, household income, education level, employment status, political party affiliation, political philosophy, religious affiliation, marital status, borough of residence, and age group.
Curated
New York Times New York City Poll, June 2005 (ICPSR 4331)
Released/updated on: 2007-02-14
Geographic coverage: New York City, United States, New York (state)
This poll, fielded June 21-26, 2005, is part of a continuing series of monthly surveys that solicit public opinion on the current presidency and on a range of other political and social issues. The focus of this survey was the 2005 New York City mayoral race. Residents of the city were asked to give their opinions of the candidates running for mayor and how those candidates would deal with various issues. Their opinions were also sought about the New York City school system. The candidates mentioned in the survey included current Mayor Michael Bloomberg, Fernando Ferrer, Virginia Fields, Gifford Miller, Thomas Ognibene, and Anthony Weiner. A series of questions asked the respondents to give their opinion on the subject of the rebuilding of the World Trade Center site, whether they felt that current Mayor Bloomberg was doing a good job or not and if he was spending too much or too little effort on this issue. Respondents were also asked to rate the New York City economy and if they thought it was getting better or worse. Questions respondents were asked concerning New York City schools included if they were satisfied with the public school system and the schools located in their neighborhood, what type of school the respondents' children attended, and their opinion about the way Joe Klein was handling his job as the New York City School Chancellor. Respondents were asked to compare neighborhood safety at the time of the survey to that of four years previously, what their opinion was on the prospect of building new stadiums in the New York City area, and if they thought that a new stadium would help the city win its bid for the 2012 Olympics. Other general topics included quality of life in New York City, city services, the economy, crime, taxes, the transit system, and housing. Demographic variables include age, sex, race, household income, education level, political party affiliation, political philosophy, religious affiliation, marital status, borough of residence, and likely mayoral vote.
Curated
Philadelphia Voting Data, 1924-1936 (ICPSR 7551)
Released/updated on: 2006-01-18
Geographic coverage: United States, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania
Time period: 1924-01-01--1936-01-01
This data collection contains electoral returns for all voting divisions (precincts) in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, in the period 1924-1936. Included are complete returns for the four presidential elections in this period as well as the voting returns for single contests for the offices of mayor, state treasurer, and governor. The data are stored in two discrete files, necessitated by the 1933 redistricting in Philadelphia. File 1 covers the period 1924-1932, and File 2 covers the period 1932-1934. Each file contains percentagized electoral returns for the Republican, Democratic, and Progressive parties, as well as information on the ethnic and racial composition of the electorate in each of the voting divisions, and the total number of voters. Also provided are percentages of native white voters, Black voters, and foreign-born voters.
Curated
Project on Human Development in Chicago Neighborhoods (PHDCN): Voting Practices, Wave 2, 1997-2000 (ICPSR 13662)
Released/updated on: 2006-04-24
Geographic coverage: United States, Chicago, Illinois
Time period: 1997-01-01--2000-01-01
The Project on Human Development in Chicago Neighborhoods (PHDCN) was a large-scale, interdisciplinary study of how families, schools, and neighborhoods affect child and adolescent development. One component of the PHDCN was the Longitudinal Cohort Study, which was a series of coordinated longitudinal studies that followed over 6,000 randomly selected children, adolescents, and young adults, and their primary caregivers over time to examine the changing circumstances of their lives, as well as the personal characteristics, that might lead them toward or away from a variety of antisocial behaviors. Numerous measures were administered to respondents to gauge various aspects of human development, including individual differences, as well as family, peer, and school influences. One such instrument was the Voting Practices instrument that obtained information regarding the subject's voting behavior. It was administered to Cohort 18.
Curated
San Francisco Bay Region Local Politics, 1966-1967 (ICPSR 7328)
Released/updated on: 1992-02-16
Geographic coverage: San Francisco, California
Time period: 1966-01-01--1967-01-01
This study suveyed city council members from 82 cities in the San Francisco Bay area and collected census, budget, and aggregate election data from the council members' cities. The study explored the council members' opinions on matters that concerned Bay Area cities and communities such as traffic and highways, recreation, job and housing discrimination, and social and governmental problems. Predictions of future problems as well as remedies for present ones were elicited. Also investigated were respondents' opinions of the job of council member and details of the history of each council member's political activity and career in public life. Questions were asked about specific campaigns and election outcomes. A number of variables deal with groups and organizations in the area and the characteristics of the council members' cities.
Curated
Social Bases of City Politics: Atlanta, 1865-1903 (ICPSR 7690)
Released/updated on: 1992-02-16
Geographic coverage: United States, Atlanta, Georgia
Time period: 1865-01-01--1903-01-01
This data collection contains biographical and political career information on 824 persons in Atlanta, Georgia, who campaigned for a city office at some point between 1865 and 1903. Data include name of individual, first year of office for which individual was campaigning, office for which campaigning (i.e., mayor, alderman, or councilman), result of campaign, votes received in first through seventh wards, type of election, political party affiliation, ward base of campaign, ward of residence, age elected, race, ethnic status, birthplace, date of arrival in Atlanta, cross occupational listing, occupations ten years before and ten years after the campaign, total time served in minor city office, total time served in Fulton County office, total times a member of the city Democratic executive committee before and during the campaign, Civil War experience, pre-Civil War sentiment (e.g., Secessionist or Unionist), religion, property assessment, and membership in fraternal groups, social clubs, and the fire department.
Curated
Simple Crosstabs
South Korean Local Election Panel Study: Nationwide Two Waves, 2010 (ICPSR 34349)
Released/updated on: 2013-08-22
Geographic coverage: South Korea, Asia, Global
The South Korean Local Election Panel Study of 2010 examined vote determinants of Korean voters and the causes and dynamics of changes in voter preferences. The survey was conducted from May to June 2010 in two waves with a large-scale panel of 1,200 representing the nation's gender, age, region, and education proportions. The study analyzed factors that influence the formation and change of voter preferences through three broad theoretical frameworks: (1) The sociological model that explains voter preference as a reflection of major social fragmentation (education, gender, income, religion, region, etc.); (2) The psychological model of the Michigan School that explains voter preference formation and change as activation of party identification in United States or Western elections, and regional identification in Korea as a proxy; (3) The rational voter model that posits that individuals, after calculating their own interests, support candidates or parties that possess the policies and ideology to maximize those interests. The South Korean Election Panel studies utilize "tracking core questions": questions that repeatedly track the change in vote determinants. These questions focus on attitudes of candidate factors, political party factors, election campaigns, issues, and policies. In this study, respondents were asked about the local election, their voting behavior, attitudes about political parties, which candidate they voted for in the 2006, 2007, and 2008 elections, exposure to media, major issues in the country, and the Lee Myung-bak administration. Economic questions asked about the living conditions of the respondent's residing city, how this compared to other cities, the respondent's household condition, and the economic situation of the country. Questions were also asked about the performance of President Lee Myung-bak and the respondent's local Governor/Mayor. Demographic variables include gender, age, occupation, religion, level of education, perceived social class, home ownership, and income.
Curated
Simple Crosstabs
South Korean Local Election Panel Study: Regional Three Waves, 2010 (ICPSR 34350)
Released/updated on: 2013-12-05
Geographic coverage: South Korea, Asia, Seoul, Jeonbuk Province, Gyeonggi Province, Gyeongnam Province, Chungnam Province
Time period: 2010-01-01--2010-12-30
The South Korean Local Election Panel Study of 2010 examined vote determinants of Korean voters and the causes and dynamics of changes in voter preferences. This study presents the results of five regions in South Korea: Chungnam, Gyeonggi, Gyeongnam, Jeonbuk, and Seoul. The survey was conducted in three waves from May to June 2010 with a large-scale panel of 600 respondents who represented the five regions' gender, age, and education proportions. The study analyzed factors that influence the formation and change of voter preferences through three broad theoretical frameworks: (1) The sociological model that explains voter preference as a reflection of major social fragmentation (education, gender, income, religion, region, etc.); (2) The psychological model of the Michigan School that explains voter preference formation and change as activation of party identification in United States or Western elections, and regional identification in Korea as a proxy; (3) The rational voter model that posits that individuals, after calculating their own interests, support candidates or parties that possess the policies and ideology to maximize those interests. The South Korean Election Panel studies utilize "tracking core questions": questions that repeatedly track the change in vote determinants. These questions focus on attitudes on candidate factors, political party factors, election campaigns, issues, and policies. In this study, respondents were asked about the local election, their voting behavior, attitudes about political parties, which candidate they voted for in the 2006, 2007, and 2008 elections, exposure to media, major issues in the country, and the Lee Myung-bak administration. Economic questions asked about the living conditions of the respondent's residing city, how this compared to other cities, the respondent's household condition, and the economic situation of the country. Questions were also asked about the performance of President Lee Myung-bak and the respondent's local Governor/Mayor. Demographic variables include gender, age, occupation, religion, level of education, perceived social class, home ownership, and income.
Curated
Taiwan's Political Geography Information System (TPGIS) (ICPSR 35189)
Released/updated on: 2014-05-09
Geographic coverage: Asia, Taiwan
Taiwan's Political Geography Information System (TPGIS) is a data archive of Taiwan's aggregate election and referendum results presented in the geographic information system (GIS). Data collected in TPGIS cover all the major national and local elections as well as referenda since Taiwan's democratization in 1991. The basic geographical unit of these data is village (li), the smallest administrative unit in Taiwan.
Curated
Voter Research and Surveys New York City Mayoral Election Exit Poll, 1993 (ICPSR 35187)
Released/updated on: 2014-05-09
Geographic coverage: New York City, United States
For this data collection, voters were interviewed as they left their polling places after voting in the 1993 mayoral election in New York City. Respondents were asked a series of questions covering mayoral choice for 1993 and 1989, choice for comptroller and public advocate in 1993, and how they voted on the term limitation proposal. Respondents were also asked for their opinions on the most important issues of the campaign, the most important candidate qualities, race relations in New York City, safety in New York City, level of commitment to the candidate they voted for, and the influence of race on their mayoral choice. Background information on respondents includes sex, race, age, family income range, religion, education, party identification, political spectrum self-identification, family financial situation, sexual orientation, gun ownership, marital status, employment status, labor union membership, and whether the respondent's children attended public school.
Curated
WABC-TV/New York Daily News New York City Mayoral Election Polls, January-November, 1989 (ICPSR 9357)
Released/updated on: 2006-01-18
Geographic coverage: New York City, United States
Time period: 1989-01-01--1989-11-01
This data collection focuses on the 1989 New York City mayoral election. Parts 1-3 are telephone surveys conducted from late January through early September, prior to the primary election. In these surveys, respondents were asked if they were registered to vote, what their party designation was, if they intended to vote in the mayoral primary, for whom they would vote if the primary were held that day, toward which candidate they were leaning, and how strongly they supported that candidate. Respondents also were questioned about Ed Koch's performance as mayor, the most important problem facing New York City, the overall quality of life in New York City, personal qualities of a mayoral candidate they liked or disliked, and whether they agreed with a series of statements relating to abortion, the death penalty, and race relations. In Part 4, voters in the primary election were asked to fill out questionnaires as they exited the polling places. Questions asked include whether they voted in the Democratic or Republican primary, for whom they voted, and for which candidate they would vote if the general election were being held that day. Parts 5-8, conducted from late September through early November, are telephone surveys tracking voter opinion prior to the mayoral election. Respondents were asked if they were registered to vote, what their party designation was, and for whom they would vote if the election were held that day. Other topics covered include race relations, the respondent's knowledge and opinion of the candidates Rudolph Giulian and David Dinkins, and factors that would induce the respondent to vote for a candidate. In Part 9, voters in the mayoral general election were asked to complete questionnaires as they exited the polling places. Questions put to respondents included for whom they voted and why, how they had voted on Ballot Question #2 regarding abolishing the Board of Estimate and enlarging the City Council, if they felt their choice for mayor would help to solve New York City's biggest problems and what those problems were. Background information on respondents in this collection includes political alignment, 1985 mayoral vote choice, education, age, religion, race, sex, income, and borough of residence.
Curated
Washington Post District of Columbia Mayoral Election Poll #2, September 1994 (ICPSR 3857)
Released/updated on: 2004-05-05
Geographic coverage: District of Columbia, United States
This special topic, conducted September 23-28, 1994, was undertaken to assess public opinion prior to the November 1994 District of Columbia mayoral election. Respondents were polled on whether they were registered to vote in the District of Columbia, the probability that they would vote in the November mayoral election, whom they would vote for (Democrat Marion Barry or Republican Carol Schwartz), whom they were leaning toward, if they leaned toward Schwartz, was that because they liked her or did not want to vote for Marion Barry, and whether they were satisfied with the mayoral candidates. Questions regarding the Democratic primary addressed whether respondents voted in the primary and if so, for whom they voted, the reasons not to vote for Marion Barry, Sharon Pratt Kelly, or John Ray, the biggest reason not to vote for Marion Barry, Sharon Pratt Kelly, or John Ray, whether Marion Barry's victory in the primary helped or hurt race relations in the District of Columbia and to what degree, whether it was a good or bad thing that Marion Barry won the Democratic primary and would probably be elected mayor and how strongly respondents held their opinions. Respondents were queried on whether they felt that things in the District of Columbia were moving in the right direction, whether the quality of life in the city was improving, worsening, or staying the same, how well Blacks and Whites were getting along in the city, whether race relations were improving, worsening, or staying the same, the biggest problem facing the city, and the suitability of the city as a place to live. Those surveyed were asked whether Marion Barry was a good or bad role model for young people, to rate Marion Barry's ability to handle city issues such as dealing with the United States Congress, improving the image of the mayor's office, attracting new businesses to the city, dealing with problems of drugs and crime, and helping the poor, whether Whites should support Marion Barry to avoid further dividing the city along racial lines, whether Marion Barry winning the Democratic primary was embarrassing to the city, whether they believe he was a changed man, and whether they would have voted for William Lightfoot if he had stayed in the mayoral race. Demographic information includes political party affiliation, which ward the respondent lives in, the length of time the respondent has been a registered voter in the District of Columbia, whether the respondent registered to vote specifically in order to vote for Marion Barry, education, year of birth, ethnicity, religious background, frequency of religious service attendance, whether the respondent would like to move to Virginia or Maryland, whether a household member works for the city government, household income, employment status, and whether an immediate family member, or the respondent, had ever been convicted of a crime or had a problem with alcohol or drugs.
Curated
Washington Post District of Columbia Mayoral Election Poll, September 1994 (ICPSR 3853)
Released/updated on: 2005-01-19
Geographic coverage: District of Columbia, United States
This special topic poll, fielded in September of 1994, was undertaken to assess respondents' views on the District of Columbia mayoral election. Respondents were asked to assess how likely they were to vote in the primary held on September 13th, who they would vote for if the election were held that day, and how certain they were of voting for that candidate. Respondents were also asked if there was a candidate for whom they would not vote, under any circumstances, and if so, who it was. Queries included how interested the respondent was in the mayoral election and how long the respondent had been registered to vote in Washington, DC. Questions also assessed how likely it was that an endorsement of a particular candidate by the Washington Post newspaper would influence the respondent's vote. Background information includes voter registration status in Washington, DC, party registration status, voting record, area of residence in Washington, DC, level of education, age, sex, voting ward, ethnicity, household income, and willingness for call-back.
Curated
Washington Post District of Columbia Mayoral Primary Poll, August 1990 (ICPSR 9556)
Released/updated on: 1992-02-17
Geographic coverage: District of Columbia, United States
Time period: 1990-08-21--1990-08-27
This data collection focuses on the 1990 District of Columbia mayoral primary election. Respondents were asked if they were registered to vote, what their party designation was, if they intended to vote in the mayoral primary, for whom they would vote for mayor and nominee to run for delegate to the House of Representatives, toward which candidate they were leaning, and how strongly they supported that candidate. Respondents also were asked which problem the next mayor should work hardest to solve, if their favored candidate's position on specific issues or his/her past record and personal character were more important in their choice, how they rated the importance of various problems that the next mayor needed to address, if they approved of the influence that various groups had in District politics, and how important it was that the next mayor be a Black person and a man. Additionally, respondents were asked a series of questions concerning Marion Barry. They were asked if they would vote Barry for an at-large seat on the City Council, if they were satisfied with the outcome of the Barry trial, if Barry should have to serve time in jail, and if Barry should be re-tried on charges that the jury could not reach a verdict on. Background information on respondents includes section and ward of residence in the District, years of residence, 1986 mayoral vote choice, education, age, race, income, and sex.
Curated
Washington Post District of Columbia Poll #1, February 1990 (ICPSR 9439)
Released/updated on: 1992-02-17
Geographic coverage: District of Columbia, United States
Time period: 1990-02-09--1990-02-11
This data collection centers on issues regarding District of Columbia's mayor Marion Barry. Respondents were asked if they thought Marion Barry should run for re-election, for whom they would vote if the mayoral primary were held that day, toward which candidate they were leaning, who was their second choice, and whether they would vote for Walter E. Fauntroy or Maurice Turner if the general election for mayor were held that day. Background information on respondents includes political alignment, registered voter status, section and ward of residence in the District, age, education, race, sex, and income.
Curated
Washington Post District of Columbia Poll #2, February 1990 (ICPSR 9441)
Released/updated on: 1992-02-17
Geographic coverage: District of Columbia, United States
Time period: 1990-02-16--1990-02-18
This data collection is the second February poll focusing on District of Columbia's mayor Marion Barry. Respondents were asked if they thought Marion Barry should run for re-election, for whom they would vote if the mayoral primary were held that day, toward which candidate they were leaning, who was their second choice, and whether they would vote for Marion Barry or Maurice Turner if the general election for mayor of the District were held that day. In addition, respondents were asked if they thought Marion Barry should resign as mayor, how they felt about Barry's indictment on drug and perjury charges, which factors would influence their decision to vote for Marion Barry, and if they thought Marion Barry needed to apologize to District residents for his behavior. Background information on respondents includes political alignment, registered voter status, section and ward of residence in the District, age, education, race, sex, and income.
Curated
Washington Post District of Columbia Poll, July 2006 (ICPSR 22167)
Released/updated on: 2008-06-13
Geographic coverage: District of Columbia, United States
This special topic poll, conducted July 13-18, 2006, is part of a continuing series of monthly surveys that solicit public opinion on the presidency and on a range of other political and social issues. This poll surveyed 1,350 residents of the District of Columbia, including 1,013 registered voters. Residents were asked about their level of interest in the upcoming mayoral election and whether they were registered to vote. Registered Democrats were polled on the likelihood that they would vote in the Democratic primary election for mayor and DC city council chairman, for whom they would vote in these races, and how strongly they supported their candidates. Views were sought on the quality of life in the District of Columbia, the biggest problems facing the district, and the quality of local public schools and municipal services. Opinions were solicited on mayoral candidates Michael Brown, Linda Cropp, Marie Johns, Adrian Fenty, and Vincent Orange, how well Mayor Anthony Williams was handling his job, and the type of people who should be elected as the next mayor and city council chairman. Respondents were asked about the perceived level of safety in their neighborhood, the effect of immigration on their community, and their confidence in the district's ability to respond to a terrorist attack in the area. A series of questions addressed redevelopment efforts in the city, including which groups would benefit, the likelihood that it would force respondents to move out of their current neighborhood, whether they owned or rented their current residence, and the affordability of relocating within the city. Information was also collected on which ward respondents resided in, how often they voted in local elections, how long they had lived in Washington, DC, and whether anyone in their household was employed by the federal or city government. Additional topics addressed plans to build a stadium for the Washington Nationals baseball team, and whether the District of Columbia should become a voting member in the United States House of Representatives. Demographic variables include sex, age, race, household income, education level, presence of children in the household, political party affiliation, political philosophy, and voter registration status.
Curated
Simple Crosstabs
Washington Post Mayor Barry Poll, January 1990 (ICPSR 9437)
Released/updated on: 2015-04-14
Geographic coverage: District of Columbia, United States
This survey was conducted following the arrest of District of Columbia mayor Marion Barry on drug charges. Respondents were asked if they had read or heard anything about the arrest, if they thought Barry should resign, if federal investigators would have tried harder or not so hard to arrest Barry had he been white, and if they thought Barry was indeed using drugs on the night in question. Respondents were also asked for whom they would vote if the mayoral primary were held that day, toward which candidate they were leaning, whether they would vote for Jesse Jackson if he were a candidate, and whether they would vote for Jesse Jackson or Maurice Turner if the mayoral election were held that day. Background information on respondents includes political alignment, registered voter status, age, race, sex, and income.
Curated
Washington Post Prince George's County Poll, August 2002 (ICPSR 3559)
Released/updated on: 2002-12-09
Geographic coverage: United States, Maryland
This special topic poll, conducted August 14-19, 2002, was undertaken to assess respondents' opinions on current events in Prince George's County, Maryland. Those polled were residents of Prince George's County and were asked about their political party affiliation, whether they were going to vote in the Democratic primary election, which candidate for county executive they intended to vote for, how they rated the candidates for county executive, and how interested they were in general in the county executive campaign. Respondents were also asked which candidate they supported in the general election for governor of Maryland. Additional questions asked respondents to rate the quality of the job performance of the current county executive Wayne Curry and the current county schools chief Iris Metts. Respondents were asked about how Prince George's County rated as a place to live, the quality of life in the county, what they liked most about the county, and what they liked least about the county. They were also asked to indicate whether several aspects of the county were problems, including the quality of public schools, unemployment rate, violent crime, drugs, relations between the police and community, the overall health of the local economy, low-income residents moving from the District into Prince George's County, the absence of stores specializing in exclusive, high-end merchandise, relations between the races, transportation and roads, and problems related to immigrants. There were also questions regarding the quality of public schools, whether the public schools were improving, and whether the recent dismissal of the county's elected school board was a good idea. Respondents were asked how well whites and Blacks got along in the county, how important it was to have an African-American county executive, whether whites or Blacks had too much influence in county politics, whether it would be better if the percentage of Blacks increased, and whether it would be better if the percentage of whites increased. Opinions were also elicited on the new TRIM law regarding property taxes, how safe from crime they felt, how much force county police tended to use, and whether they favored slot-machine gambling at horse racing tracks in Maryland. Background information on respondents includes education, marital status, race, income, gender, how long the respondent had lived in the county, whether they lived inside the Beltway, and whether they had children.
Curated
Washington Post Prince George's County Poll, July 1994 (ICPSR 3849)
Released/updated on: 2005-01-19
Geographic coverage: United States, Maryland
This special topic poll, conducted July 15-20, 1994, was undertaken to assess respondents' views on the state of affairs in Prince George's County, Maryland, and its upcoming county elections. Residents were polled on the biggest problems facing the county, whether things were going in the right or wrong direction, the quality of the public schools, whether the budget for public schools should be increased, decreased or maintained, and whether respondents would favor or oppose a tax increase if the money benefited the county's public schools. Views were sought on the quality of life in Prince George's County and whether it had improved, worsened, or stayed the same in the past ten years, whether respondents expected it to improve in the next ten years, what they liked the most and the least about living there, whether they would rather live somewhere else in the Washington area, and if so, where. Respondents were asked about the status of race relations in Prince George's County, whether it was improving, worsening, or staying the same, and how important it was that most people in their neighborhood shared their racial background. Questions regarding the Black and White populations of Prince George's County asked whether each group had too much, too little, or the right amount of influence in county politics, whether this influence was changing, and whether it would be better for the county if the population of these groups increased, decreased, or stayed the same. Residents were polled on the likelihood that they would vote in the upcoming Democratic primary election, their opinions of the candidates for county executive (Wayne Curry, Sue V. Mills, Artie Polk, and Beatrice Tignor), which candidate they would vote for, how strongly they supported him or her, how often they trusted county government to do what was right, and how important it was that the next county executive, school superintendent, or police chief elected was Black. Respondents also gave their impressions of Maryland gubernatorial candidate Parris Glendening, county attorney Robert Ostrom, and council member Richard Castaldi. Background variables include sex, age, education, religion, ethnicity, marital status, household income, number of children in household, political orientation, political party affiliation, voter registration and participation history, length of residency in Prince George's County, and previous residence.
Curated
White Attitudes Toward Black Civil Equality in the Nineteenth Century: Iowa's Equal Rights Referenda of 1857, 1868, and 1880 (ICPSR 4284)
Released/updated on: 2005-12-19
Geographic coverage: Iowa, United States
Time period: 1848-08-01--1882-06-01
The primary objective of this data collection was to provide a quantitative underpinning for the analysis of Northern racial attitudes in the United States during the Civil War era. The data contain the results of the three popular referenda on Black civil equality held in 1857, 1868, and 1880 in the state of Iowa: the first just prior to the onset of the Civil War, the second following the Civil War, and the third coming at the close of the Reconstruction period. In order to provide a more comprehensive political context for these well-spaced referenda, the data files contain all relevant annual elections occurring in Iowa between August 1848 and June 1882, capturing the period of time beginning with the first elections involving antislavery candidates through the end of Reconstruction. In addition, the data contain the results of various other referenda, including banking and liquor prohibition referenda voted upon during the time period. Parts 1 and 2 contain county-level data for all 99 Iowa counties. Part 1, County File: Elections and Referenda, contains the outcomes for the various elections and referenda that were put to the vote in Iowa during the mid- to late-1800s. Part 2, County File: Miscellaneous, contains various characteristics describing the voting Iowan population including religion and occupation data. Parts 3 and 4 contain township-level data. The data contain results from 186 of 292 Iowa townships that had surviving 1857 referenda returns. Of the 186, 127 townships had records for all three of the referenda regarding the rights of Blacks (1857, 1868, and 1880). As a result, Part 3, Township File: Referenda, contains the outcomes, by township, for the three civil rights referenda voted on in the state of Iowa. Part 4, Township File: Voters, contains hand counted voter birthplace data keyed to each of the three referenda.